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Media Policy and Globalization - Blogs Unpad

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BROADCASTING POLICY 87<br />

Across broadcasting policy debates, the pull towards a liberalized audiovisual<br />

industry without the strings of social accountability is challenged<br />

by claims for representation <strong>and</strong> recognition in the production<br />

of cultural goods. ‘Culture’ as a terrain where these claims are expressed<br />

<strong>and</strong> experienced becomes a core, albeit contested, component in global<br />

policy. In the case of broadcasting policy, debates about culture <strong>and</strong> identity<br />

function around claims for the recognition of difference in contrast<br />

to the universalizing tendencies of the market. At the same time, the<br />

claims for the recognition of cultural presence <strong>and</strong> existence against the<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ardizing effects of much of the internationalization of capital are<br />

ab/used for fascist <strong>and</strong> other totalitarian <strong>and</strong> reactionary agendas across<br />

the world. 1 In these cases, ‘culture’ <strong>and</strong> ‘identity’ are used to express<br />

new forms of racism, sexism <strong>and</strong> xenophobia, advocating the ‘purity’ of<br />

cultural practices as opposed to the polluting character of globalization.<br />

Therefore, although the underlying dem<strong>and</strong>s for ‘recognition’ (of the validity<br />

of non-dominant cultural positions) become more prominent than<br />

those of redistribution in the realm of broadcasting content <strong>and</strong> meanings<br />

(of the democratization of the mode of production <strong>and</strong> ownership of<br />

cultural <strong>and</strong> media industries), they echo some of the problems cautioned<br />

by Fraser (2001), such as the treatment of culture <strong>and</strong> identity as fixed<br />

<strong>and</strong> clearly defined <strong>and</strong> the failure to address domination within national<br />

‘traditions’.<br />

In the following pages we explore the changes in the policy field of<br />

the European Union where two forms of organization of audiovisual<br />

media with particular effects for content, the system of public service<br />

broadcasting <strong>and</strong> the development of non public media, appear to be<br />

in conflict. We turn our attention to the contexts <strong>and</strong> conditions within<br />

which driving assumptions about policy have been adopted <strong>and</strong> contested<br />

against the background of the global liberalization of telecommunications<br />

(Chapter 3). In the case of broadcasting policy, we focus on the European<br />

Union because it serves as the most politically integrated institutional site<br />

of global governance, allowing for some measure of democratic deliberation<br />

in contrast to the WTO or even NAFTA. Furthermore, broadcasting<br />

is the field where the struggle for cultural hegemony becomes most visible<br />

<strong>and</strong> acute, not only for competing corporate interests within national<br />

economies but also among policy-makers at an international level. These<br />

issues are attracting increasing attention in studies of communication policy<br />

from a regional perspective (for example, Harrison <strong>and</strong> Sinclair 2000;<br />

Iwabuchi 2002). For our discussion, the role of the European Union is<br />

of particular interest to civil society <strong>and</strong> policy actors in favour of a protective<br />

climate of cultural survival through the defence of cultural goods,

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