Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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48 and its “parts” – communities and chiefdoms, were those of mutual necessity and complementary (see section 3 of chapter 4). Sargent (1986) has defined the relations between the supreme authorities and the community as exploitative (and called the former “bureaucracy”) but in reality in Benin there were no conditions for such relations’ appearance (Bondarenko 1995a: 257–264, 273– 274; criticism at Sargent’s inadequate attempt to use the Weberian and Marxist categories at the analysis of Benin socio-political system, see in: Manning 1986; Wilks 1986). Belief in myths telling about the supernatural origin of power and its holders, in legality and natural character of inequality and social hierarchy played an important part in determination of communalists’ attitude to power and authority. The “intimate” character of the relations between the people and authority led to the situation when central power, embodied in the respective institutions, though towered above the society and established its dominance over it, was not separated from the people in the Morgan – Engels’s sense (see Morgan 1877: 7; Engels 1985/1884: 197–198 vs. Bradbury 1969: 21; Bondarenko 1993a: 165) what above all signifies that the all-Benin political institutions formation, recruitment of administrators into them, and the way they exercised power were taking place in accordance with the communitykinship traditions, by means of the mechanisms determined by them. Not only heads of communities and chiefdoms through which titled chiefs coordinated relations between the Kingdom’s parts and the whole, but also titled chiefs themselves did not become bureaucrats, as it was shown above. They remained chiefs with all the mechanisms of coming to, and exercising of power, rights, privileges, duties, etc. typical of them. Massive ideological pillars for this objective situation were also provided (see Bondarenko 2000a; 2000e; 2001: 186–188). It is significant to note at this point that it would be unreasonable to speak about initial imposition of ideology by socio-political summit or self-deceiving of those at the social bottom: at least until the start of active trade with Europeans in the late 15 th century Benin was characterized by mental continuity – principal identity of all the social groups’ Weltanschauung (Bondarenko 1995a: 90–91, 165, 254–255) what also witnesses to lack of unbridgeable gulf between the rulers and the ruled. The ideas of reciprocal exchange of services as the basis of social relations went on dominating among communalists. People felt their complicity to power, its institutions and holders. As a result, “a passion for legality and order” as a typical feature of African kingdoms (Armstrong 1960: 38) characterized Benin among others. Owe to this Benin history of the Obas period did not see revolts of the masses against central power and its supreme holder except uprisings in subjugated lands (and possibly just one episode in Benin City in the 14 th or 15 th century – that of Oba Ohen’s deposition [see Bondarenko 2001: 176–177; Roese and Bondarenko 2003: 76–77]). Such a trend of the Bini political culture kept easily within their general culture framework, including its mental and behavioral paradigm. 31

48<br />

and its “parts” – communities and chiefdoms, were those of mutual necessity<br />

and complementary (see section 3 of chapter 4). Sargent (1986) has defined the<br />

relations between the supreme authorities and the community as exploitative<br />

(and called the former “bureaucracy”) but in reality in Benin there were no<br />

conditions for such relations’ appearance (<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1995a: 257–264, 273–<br />

274; criticism at Sargent’s inadequate attempt to use the Weberian and Marxist<br />

categories at the analysis of Benin socio-political system, see in: Manning<br />

1986; Wilks 1986). Belief in myths telling about the supernatural origin of<br />

power and its holders, in legality and natural character of inequality and social<br />

hierarchy played an important part in determination of communalists’ attitude<br />

to power and authority. The “intimate” character of the relations between the<br />

people and authority led to the situation when central power, embodied in the<br />

respective institutions, though towered above the society and established its<br />

dominance over it, was not separated from the people in the Morgan – Engels’s<br />

sense (see Morgan 1877: 7; Engels 1985/1884: 197–198 vs. Bradbury 1969: 21;<br />

<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1993a: 165) what above all signifies that the all-Benin political<br />

institutions formation, recruitment of administrators into them, and the way<br />

they exercised power were taking place in accordance with the communitykinship<br />

traditions, by means of the mechanisms determined by them. Not only<br />

heads of communities and chiefdoms through which titled chiefs coordinated<br />

relations between the Kingdom’s parts and the whole, but also titled chiefs<br />

themselves did not become bureaucrats, as it was shown above. They remained<br />

chiefs with all the mechanisms of coming to, and exercising of power, rights,<br />

privileges, duties, etc. typical of them.<br />

Massive ideological pillars for this objective situation were also<br />

provided (see <strong>Bondarenko</strong> 2000a; 2000e; 2001: 186–188). It is significant to<br />

note at this point that it would be unreasonable to speak about initial imposition<br />

of ideology by socio-political summit or self-deceiving of those at the social<br />

bottom: at least until the start of active trade with Europeans in the late 15 th<br />

century Benin was characterized by mental continuity – principal identity of all<br />

the social groups’ Weltanschauung (<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1995a: 90–91, 165, 254–255)<br />

what also witnesses to lack of unbridgeable gulf between the rulers and the<br />

ruled. The ideas of reciprocal exchange of services as the basis of social<br />

relations went on dominating among communalists. People felt their<br />

complicity to power, its institutions and holders. As a result, “a passion for<br />

legality and order” as a typical feature of African kingdoms (Armstrong 1960:<br />

38) characterized Benin among others. Owe to this Benin history of the Obas<br />

period did not see revolts of the masses against central power and its supreme<br />

holder except uprisings in subjugated lands (and possibly just one episode in<br />

Benin City in the 14 th or 15 th century – that of Oba Ohen’s deposition [see<br />

<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 2001: 176–177; Roese and <strong>Bondarenko</strong> 2003: 76–77]).<br />

Such a trend of the Bini political culture kept easily within their<br />

general culture framework, including its mental and behavioral paradigm. 31

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