Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
47 throne the Oba went on playing the exceptionally important and “practical” role of the all-Benin unity’s symbol, the focus and guard of the people’s cultural tradition and identity, and thus did promote significantly integration of socio-political segments into a whole – centralization in its socio-territorial aspect. This is the real socio-political significance of the essentially irrational supreme ruler’s sacral power. Characteristically, the notions of “reign”, “kingdom”, and “government are expressed in the Edo (Bini) language by one and the same word – arioba, and as a “barbarian”, “foreigner” (ete) in Benin was considered not any ethnically non-Bini but only the one “who does not know the law (of the country. – D. B.) and does not recognize the Oba (as his or her sovereign. – D. B.)” (Melzian 1937: 10, 43). Especially significant part in Obas’ effective fulfillment of the integrative role was played by their status of the realm’s high (supreme) priest. Sovereigns played the central part in performing rites of most important all-Benin cults including those of the agrarian cycle and immediately connected with royalty: of the Oba’s ancestors – ugie erha oba (the main holiday in the country from the mid-15 th century on), his good luck and hand (see Sidahome 1964: 1; Kochakova 1984; 1986: 225–233; Bondarenko 1995: 203–231; 2001: 193–211; 2003c; 2005d; Roese and Bondarenko 2003: 26–32). As Marc Abйlиs (1981: 3) underlines, “[t]he rites of sacred kingship are centered on the social drama in which all members of the society take part.” To sum up, although it may seem paradoxical, the role of the supreme ruler in Benin history was becoming as greater as less his profane power (the only true one in the modern people’s minds) was turning out. The folk “... was bound together by the reverence felt for... the Oba of Benin...” (Talbot 1926: III, 563; see also Eweka, E. B. 1992: 82, 83). The critical role of the Oba became especially clear in the colonial times when after an attempt to abolish the institution immediately after the fall of Benin in 1897, the British had to restore it in 1914 as far as it had become evident that “if they were to secure even the grudging co-operation of the Bini they must restore the monarchy” (Igbafe 1974: 175; see also Zotova 1979: 105–114; Nevadomsky 1993: 66–67). 3. The rulers and the ruled: political culture as a manifestation of worldview Naturally (and the history of controversies between sovereigns and titled chiefs is the best possible testimony to this) the mechanisms and tendencies of sociopolitical transformations did not depend on the role ascribed to power and authorities by the people completely. Even more so, the further the more power was distancing from the Binis’ ideal understanding of its nature and tasks. Nevertheless, the influence of political ideas on actual institutions and processes always remained direct and essentially important. In general, the relations between the rulers (all-Benin authorities) and the ruled (communalists), between the political “whole” embodied in the center
- Page 42: 21 more evident in the social scien
- Page 46: 23 evolutionists themselves but pre
- Page 50: 25 confederations (Korotayev 1995a;
- Page 54: 27 Eisenstatdt (1971: 74, 76) empha
- Page 58: 29 Evans-Pritchard 1987/1940b: 6; M
- Page 62: 31 III Was There Benin Bureaucracy?
- Page 66: 33 only. Contrary to a number of ot
- Page 70: 35 1978/1674-1742: 334). Eventually
- Page 74: 37 inherited within definite extend
- Page 78: 39 Sidahome 1964: 143; Anonymous 19
- Page 82: 41 crowned with success. Only in th
- Page 86: 43 In any case, the Bini mass consc
- Page 90: 45 he was regarded as the one who h
- Page 96: 48 and its “parts” - communitie
- Page 100: 50 power’s value and necessity de
- Page 104: 52 the well-being of his subjects s
- Page 108: 54 families, communities, and chief
- Page 112: 56 chiefdom at the level of which i
- Page 116: 58 ancestors’ spirits. Thus, the
- Page 120: 60 Bradbury 1957: 33-34; 1973: 171-
- Page 124: 62 Benin served as the matrix for t
- Page 128: 64 44-45), and owe to this the esse
- Page 132: 66 Murdock 1949; Bohannan and Middl
- Page 136: 68 Engels [1985/1884] 46 after him)
- Page 140: 70 comes increasing stratification.
47<br />
throne the Oba went on playing the exceptionally important and “practical”<br />
role of the all-Benin unity’s symbol, the focus and guard of the people’s<br />
cultural tradition and identity, and thus did promote significantly integration of<br />
socio-political segments into a whole – centralization in its socio-territorial<br />
aspect. This is the real socio-political significance of the essentially irrational<br />
supreme ruler’s sacral power. Characteristically, the notions of “reign”,<br />
“kingdom”, and “government are expressed in the Edo (Bini) language by one<br />
and the same word – arioba, and as a “barbarian”, “foreigner” (ete) in Benin<br />
was considered not any ethnically non-Bini but only the one “who does not<br />
know the law (of the country. – D. B.) and does not recognize the Oba (as his<br />
or her sovereign. – D. B.)” (Melzian 1937: 10, 43). Especially significant part<br />
in Obas’ effective fulfillment of the integrative role was played by their status<br />
of the realm’s high (supreme) priest. Sovereigns played the central part in<br />
performing rites of most important all-Benin cults including those of the<br />
agrarian cycle and immediately connected with royalty: of the Oba’s<br />
ancestors – ugie erha oba (the main holiday in the country from the mid-15 th<br />
century on), his good luck and hand (see Sidahome 1964: 1; Kochakova 1984;<br />
1986: 225–233; <strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1995: 203–231; 2001: 193–211; 2003c; 2005d;<br />
Roese and <strong>Bondarenko</strong> 2003: 26–32). As Marc Abйlиs (1981: 3) underlines,<br />
“[t]he rites of sacred kingship are centered on the social drama in which all<br />
members of the society take part.”<br />
To sum up, although it may seem paradoxical, the role of the supreme<br />
ruler in Benin history was becoming as greater as less his profane power (the<br />
only true one in the modern people’s minds) was turning out. The folk “... was<br />
bound together by the reverence felt for... the Oba of Benin...” (Talbot 1926:<br />
III, 563; see also Eweka, E. B. 1992: 82, 83). The critical role of the Oba<br />
became especially clear in the colonial times when after an attempt to abolish<br />
the institution immediately after the fall of Benin in 1897, the British had to<br />
restore it in 1914 as far as it had become evident that “if they were to secure<br />
even the grudging co-operation of the Bini they must restore the monarchy”<br />
(Igbafe 1974: 175; see also Zotova 1979: 105–114; Nevadomsky 1993: 66–67).<br />
3. The rulers and the ruled: political culture as a manifestation of<br />
worldview<br />
Naturally (and the history of controversies between sovereigns and titled chiefs<br />
is the best possible testimony to this) the mechanisms and tendencies of sociopolitical<br />
transformations did not depend on the role ascribed to power and<br />
authorities by the people completely. Even more so, the further the more power<br />
was distancing from the Binis’ ideal understanding of its nature and tasks.<br />
Nevertheless, the influence of political ideas on actual institutions and<br />
processes always remained direct and essentially important.<br />
In general, the relations between the rulers (all-Benin authorities) and<br />
the ruled (communalists), between the political “whole” embodied in the center