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Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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34<br />

The structure of the Eghaevbo N’Ogbe reproduced the Binis’ agegrade<br />

system as it was divided into three groups (otu-eguae): Iwebo (elder),<br />

Iweguae (middle), and Ibiwe (younger) (for detail see: Bradbury 1957: 37–38;<br />

Picton 1997: 23–24). Not by chance the names of the three groups and of the<br />

age-grades were similar: otu-eguae and otu respectively. To be correct, palace<br />

chiefs formed the core of each of these groups as some other administrators<br />

were their members either (Roese 1988: 55–61, 68; 1993; Eweka, E. B. 1992:<br />

47–80, 214; Picton 1997: 22–23). There also was internal gradation in each of<br />

the groups: into two more and three less highly ranked subgroups of palace<br />

chiefs (Bradbury 1957: 37–39).<br />

Members of each of the otu-eguae had a specific set of duties to<br />

perform for the supreme ruler. Speaking generally, the Eghaevbo N’Ogbe were<br />

administrators, generals, priests, masters of ceremonies (Egharevba 1956: 28;<br />

Dike 1959: 13; Bradbury 1969: 22; Nevadomsky and Inneh 1984: 48–50).<br />

Besides membership in the royal council, they had another common duty: to<br />

control the activities of palace craft unions (Eweka, E. B. 1992: 53–57, 69–77,<br />

79–80; Agbontaen 1995: 119–123). The Obas’ deputies in the annexed lands<br />

(the Onotueyevbo) were also responsible at them, first of all for regularity and<br />

totality of the tribute they had to pay to the Benin supreme ruler (Roese 1993:<br />

437).<br />

The kingmakers were really pushed to the background but eventually<br />

those were not the Obas but the palace chiefs who came to the fore. No doubt,<br />

supreme rulers could find some possibilities for maneuvering among the palace<br />

chiefs’ associations trying to push them against each other. However, the<br />

measure of the Eghaevbo N’Ogbe members’ corporativity was high enough and<br />

their common importance as of a titled chiefs category was great. In particular,<br />

Agbontaen (1995: 119) writes about the palace chiefs: “On the political plane,<br />

these were the channels through which palace functions were differentiated.<br />

They were avenues for channeling competitions among the groups, and<br />

indirectly enabling the Oba to maintain stability and political balance between<br />

competing groups” of administrators. The Eghaevbo N’Ogbe acquired their<br />

might due not only to their official titles and rights but also, maybe even first of<br />

all, owe to their physical proximity to the supreme ruler. One of their main<br />

tasks was to serve mediators between the Oba and the people (Agbontaen<br />

1995), for the prohibition to communicate with his subjects freely seems to be<br />

among the supreme ruler’s taboos already at least in the beginning of the 17 th<br />

century. Hence, the palace chiefs could rather easily “regulate” the information<br />

flows to and from the palace in their own interests. From the European written<br />

sources of the 17 th – 19 th centuries one can see that these chiefs really did it, and<br />

also see what a considerable might the Eghaevbo N’Ogbe under the leadership<br />

of Uwangue concentrated in their hands that time (Nyendael 1705: 435;<br />

Smith, W. 1744: 228–230; Roth 1968/1903: 92; Anonymous 1969/1652: 309;<br />

Ryder 1969: 103; Hнjar 1972/1654: 248–249; Dapper 1975/1668: 503; Dantzig

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