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Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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30<br />

influences immediately the particular states’ nature. Given this, those<br />

anthropologists argue, the coercive concept of contemporary state cannot claim<br />

for universal applicability; at best it may be relevant for cases from a limited<br />

part of the world (see Nustad 2002). Thus, the crucial point is with whom the<br />

monopoly of the legitimate use of force rests and how it is legitimized. In my<br />

opinion, the specifics of monopoly of the legitimate violence in a state society<br />

is precisely that it is exercised through and by bureaucrats who operate within<br />

bureaucratic institutions.<br />

So, as Jonathan Haas (1995: 18) writes, the presence of “institutional<br />

bureaucracies” is among “basic characteristics… standing at the heart of the<br />

state form of organization” which is shared by all societies eligible for being<br />

labeled as states, including the earliest, “prestine” ones (see also Johnson, A.<br />

W. and Earle 2000: 35). In the meantime, even most complex among all<br />

complex chiefdoms, like the Olmecs (e.g., Earle 1990; Grove 1997), Cahokia<br />

(e.g., Pauketat 1994; Milner 1998), the Powhatan paramountcy (e.g., Potter, S.<br />

R. 1993; Rountree and Turner III 1998), or Hawai’i (e.g., Earle 1978; 1997;<br />

2000; Johnson, A. W. and Earle 2000: 281–294) notwithstanding their political<br />

sophistication, 19 could not boast of having professional administrators at all.<br />

The existence of specialized administration was also improbable in Benin of the<br />

First (Ogisos) dynasty time – in the 10 th – mid-12 th centuries (see <strong>Bondarenko</strong><br />

2001: 108–117), characterized by me in detail as a complex chiefdom<br />

elsewhere (<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 2000b: 102–103; 2001: 133–135; 2004a: 340).

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