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Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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22<br />

(and furthermore distant) cultures’ responses to the same essential problems<br />

turn out so different that the cultures eventually take essentially different<br />

evolutionary paths.<br />

On the other hand, hardly it is correct to talk about a certain<br />

homogeneous “European historical experience” in the socio-political sphere.<br />

To realize it, it is enough to compare the semantics of the words denoting<br />

political organization in different European languages. For example, state in<br />

English or Йtat in French means not only the political system but also<br />

“condition.” So, in such a context the state is a specific condition of society<br />

into which political power is inserted; the former is primary towards the latter.<br />

On the contrary, in Russian the respective word – gosudarstvo is derived from<br />

gosudar’ – “sovereign”, so power, not society is seen as the basic, dominant<br />

category: the state is not a society to which power serves but is a property of<br />

the sovereign to whom the society due services. In any case, the state of the art<br />

in state studies by now is such that we may ascertain safely that the two<br />

characteristics – political centralization (either in the sense of “the<br />

‘concentration’ of power in the hands of a few” [Roscoe 1993: 113; see also,<br />

e.g., Morris 1998: 293], or “the degree of linkage between the various<br />

subsystems and the highest-order controls in society” [Flannery 1972: 409; see<br />

also, e.g., Cohen 1978b: 45–46], or both) and specialization of administration,<br />

still form the backbone of the theory of the state in general. It is also<br />

recognized, hardly not as a common place, that “… the expansion of the<br />

administration, and more especially the trend towards bureaucratization in the<br />

early state were closely connected with centralization” (Skalnнk 1978: 600). If<br />

these characteristics are adequate and sufficient, is another point to which I will<br />

return and on which will elaborate below.<br />

2. The state: “to be or not to be?”<br />

Allotting the state common universal characteristics does not a priori mean that<br />

any sufficiently complex society is “obliged” to acquire them. This idea could<br />

have seemed very simple if it had not taken it so long to penetrate into<br />

anthropological theory, or better to say, into some of contemporary<br />

anthropological theories. The initial step was made with the first attempts to<br />

escape from unilinear evolutionism 13 that declared state formation as a<br />

teleological goal of the socio-political process marked by perpetual progressive<br />

move to greater overall socio-cultural complexity, most significantly expressed<br />

by, and concentrated in the growth of political centralization and social<br />

stratification. Within evolutionism these attempts were made only in the mid-<br />

20 th century. During the preceding period in Western Europe and North<br />

America evolutionism turned out so unattractive, mainly just due to its<br />

unilinearity, that even those classics of that time who by no means rejected the<br />

very idea of evolution (e.g., Boas [1940: 270–280], Lowie [1948: 32–53],<br />

Radcliffe-Brown [e.g., 1947; see also Carneiro 2003: 82–85]) were not

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