Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
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103<br />
important than belonging to a more or less noble family. The division into<br />
the elder and the younger was the primary one for both the community and the<br />
society as a whole. This way the gerontocratic principles and forms of<br />
communal government, on the one hand, and the evidently homoarchic (conic)<br />
type of the Benin megacommunity, on the other hand, were determined.<br />
Indeed, the prevailing of the sex-and-age principle of socio-political<br />
stratification (sanctified by the ancestor cult, the backbone of the Binis’ picture<br />
of the universe [<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1995a: 24–31]) was clearly felt in the upper<br />
circles of the megacommunity. In this respect the fact which Ajisafe (1945: 13)<br />
tried to comprehend is very revealing: “Though naturally, personality played a<br />
great part, there were certain chiefs and elders who by reason of their age and<br />
experience exercised more influence in the affairs of the land and in the<br />
Council (at the supreme ruler. D. B.) than their rank would seem to warrant.<br />
It may thus be admitted that apart from the personality of any particular chief,<br />
age is respected more than their rank and rank is respected more than the law”<br />
(see also Ibid.: 87–88).<br />
In the Bini community kin ties were accompanied and supplemented<br />
by territorial ones. No doubt, in the megacommunity the importance of<br />
territorial ties grew considerably. However, as well as before its formation,<br />
such ties were built in and to the kin relations not in the ideological sphere only<br />
but in realities of the socio-political organization as well (Bradbury 1957: 31).<br />
The community did not just preserve itself: it went on playing the part of the<br />
fundamental socio-political institution notwithstanding the number of<br />
complexity levels overbuilding it. As before, the community predetermined the<br />
homoarchic nature of the whole Benin socio-cultural and political model and<br />
fastening all the levels of the Benin society’s structure, made it was firm and<br />
durable: Benin remained a megacommunity till the very end of her independent<br />
development.<br />
Even in the mid-15 th – 19 th centuries, when the initially local,<br />
communal nature of the society came into contradiction with the imperial<br />
political and cultural discourse, the principles and system of governing the<br />
empire (the preservation of local rulers in subjugated lands, migrations of the<br />
Obas’ relatives with followers to weakly populated territories, residing of the<br />
Bini governors of the dependencies in Benin City and not in “colonies”, the use<br />
of the same ideological pillars that supported the Obas’ power in Benin for<br />
substantiation of the center’s domination in the dependencies, etc., etc.) witness<br />
that by the moment of Benin’s occupation in 1897 the megacommunity still<br />
was the form of organization of the Benin society proper with which sociopolitically<br />
different “colonies” sided. Thus the megacommunity had turned out<br />
able to absorb and “reinterpret” those elements of the imperial discourse that<br />
could have seemed insurmountable for this essentially local, ethno- and sociocentric<br />
form of organization. So, the megacommunity managed to avoid<br />
radical transformation of its fundamental socio-political principles and the