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(within several months), ighele returned to their native villages – into the
habitual social milieu, to their usual tasks (Bradbury 1957: 32; 1973: 171; about
the Benin army see Talbot 1926: III, 832–835; Roth 1968/1903: 125–130;
Roese 1992b; Osadolor 2001).
The men’s secret society Okerison was another important channel for
the communalists’ involving into the activities of all-Benin socio-political
institutions. Though this was a supracommunity organization, it originated
within the community and preserved tight connection with it. In the time of the
Second dynasty the all-Benin Okerison co-existed in villages with local secret
societies (Egharevba 1949: 87, 95; Sharevskaja 1957: 206; Roth 1968/1903: 65;
Anonymous 1969/1652: 314; Hнjar 1972/1654: 250–251). In a certain
situation interests of a person as of a member of the all-Benin secret society
could come into conflict with local interests of his kin group or the secret
society of the village. The Oba was recognized as the head of Okerison, and
the political role of the all-Benin secret society consisted not in exercising
punitive functions and intimidating of people for the sake of the public order’s
observation only (Palisot de Beauvois 1801). Okerison participated actively in
communicating shine to the supreme ruler’s sacral halo, in suggesting people
belief in his omnipotence, omniscience, and absolute justice. In particular,
Okerison members took part in many rituals and ceremonies of the supreme
ruler and his ancestors’ cults (Sharevskaja 1957: 205–206). It also lobbied
actively this or that claimant for the throne and as a rule could influence the
sovereign during the whole period of his reign (Dennett 1906: 199; Egharevba
1951a: 5–8; Roth 1968/1903: 65). Besides, Okerison controlled some distant
from the capital parts of the empire (Dennett 1906: 199–201; Talbot 1926: III,
764). The social role of Okerison in the communal Benin society was
significant as well. Its social function got entangled with the political one: the
secret society was to promote consolidation of not only the supreme ruler’s
power but also the socio-cultural basement to which that power was so
adequate. It is not by chance that Okerison acted on behalf of the ancestors.
Chiefdoms and autonomous communities preserved a grain of former
being in opposition to the central authority, concentrated in Benin City. In the
conditions of considerable strengthening of the latter, it was sublimated in the
ritual sphere. Cults, rites, festivals rooted in the pre-Oba times existed in many
villages. They reflected the opposition of the local and central (symbolized by
the Oba first and foremost) authorities in the past. Of course, the capital did
not greet their observation. The aforesaid is well illustrated by the example of
the annual Ekpo festival which is popular to the south and east of Benin City
(for its description and analysis see Lopasic 1965; Ben-Amos and Omoregie
1969). Ben-Amos and Omoregie (1969: 10) write that
… the Ekpo cult can be seen as a representative of
alternative values within Bini culture. In a society which
focuses on the centralized power of a divine king, the