Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

10.11.2014 Views

78 be perceived as the legal “continuation” of that of the rulers of the First dynasty. Owe to this the feeling of the changes gravity was to deaden in people’s hearts and minds. However in reality the evolution of political and social institutions during the Oba period has resulted in a meaningful transformation of the Benin society. In the time of the Obas the same sociopolitical components – chiefdoms and autonomous communities (as before, equal to each other in terms of rights and obligations towards the supreme authorities of the time [Egharevba 1949: 79; Bradbury 1973: 177]) formed parts of a multipolity of another type. Communities (including autonomous) and chiefdoms preserved all the initial characteristics of their internal organization and went on obeying the all-Benin authorities, now much more strictly: the homoarchic trend in the socio-political organization became much stronger and more visible than in the Ogiso time. The all-Benin power center and political institutions (the dynasty first and foremost) became stable and did not depend on the relative might of the local chiefdoms any longer, now surmounting them unreservedly. The head of a socio-political unit represented its population in higher instances, but leaders of families, communities, and chiefdoms had direct access only to one, immediately next to theirs, level of political hierarchy. Heads of families and non-autonomous communities could reach the highest instances only through those who occupied intermediate stairs. The more powerful all-Benin political institutions were becoming the more effective their control over chiefdoms and communities, as well as over the relations between them, was (Bradbury 1973: 149, 171). In particular, the increase of the society’s integrity under the Second dynasty resulted in the fact that the interunit relations basically did not develop by the principle “our – alien” any longer, as the all-Benin level of realizing their unity by the population of the country formed. Nonetheless, as has been stated above, the elements of heterarchy were neither a decoration nor a kind of Tylorian “survival” within the framework of the Oba-time socio-political system. Quite the opposite: they were an essential part of the system. In the way typical of African kingdoms (Vansina 1992: 21), the all-Benin authority did not intervene in the communities and chiefdoms’ internal affairs and reminded of itself only when the interests of the whole country (associated with those of the political center) were infringed, like in the cases of dependencies’ attempts to break away in the imperial period of Benin history (mid-15 th – 19 th centuries). What is especially noteworthy is that there is no evidence that those units’ internal composition could be changed under any circumstances (Bondarenko 1995a: 183–193; 2001: 257–264). Thus, in the time of the Obas the political center still had substantially limited possibilities for exercising coercive authority because violence from its side could not be considered as legitimate if it were aimed directly at the society’s component units. The real power of a chiefdom or autonomous community head (onogie or odionwere respectively) still was as greater as farther his chiefdom or

78<br />

be perceived as the legal “continuation” of that of the rulers of the First<br />

dynasty. Owe to this the feeling of the changes gravity was to deaden in<br />

people’s hearts and minds. However in reality the evolution of political and<br />

social institutions during the Oba period has resulted in a meaningful<br />

transformation of the Benin society. In the time of the Obas the same sociopolitical<br />

components – chiefdoms and autonomous communities (as before,<br />

equal to each other in terms of rights and obligations towards the supreme<br />

authorities of the time [Egharevba 1949: 79; Bradbury 1973: 177]) formed parts<br />

of a multipolity of another type. Communities (including autonomous) and<br />

chiefdoms preserved all the initial characteristics of their internal organization<br />

and went on obeying the all-Benin authorities, now much more strictly: the<br />

homoarchic trend in the socio-political organization became much stronger and<br />

more visible than in the Ogiso time. The all-Benin power center and political<br />

institutions (the dynasty first and foremost) became stable and did not depend<br />

on the relative might of the local chiefdoms any longer, now surmounting them<br />

unreservedly. The head of a socio-political unit represented its population in<br />

higher instances, but leaders of families, communities, and chiefdoms had<br />

direct access only to one, immediately next to theirs, level of political<br />

hierarchy. Heads of families and non-autonomous communities could reach the<br />

highest instances only through those who occupied intermediate stairs. The<br />

more powerful all-Benin political institutions were becoming the more effective<br />

their control over chiefdoms and communities, as well as over the relations<br />

between them, was (Bradbury 1973: 149, 171). In particular, the increase of<br />

the society’s integrity under the Second dynasty resulted in the fact that the<br />

interunit relations basically did not develop by the principle “our – alien” any<br />

longer, as the all-Benin level of realizing their unity by the population of the<br />

country formed.<br />

Nonetheless, as has been stated above, the elements of heterarchy were<br />

neither a decoration nor a kind of Tylorian “survival” within the framework of<br />

the Oba-time socio-political system. Quite the opposite: they were an essential<br />

part of the system. In the way typical of African kingdoms (Vansina 1992: 21),<br />

the all-Benin authority did not intervene in the communities and chiefdoms’<br />

internal affairs and reminded of itself only when the interests of the whole<br />

country (associated with those of the political center) were infringed, like in the<br />

cases of dependencies’ attempts to break away in the imperial period of Benin<br />

history (mid-15 th – 19 th centuries). What is especially noteworthy is that there<br />

is no evidence that those units’ internal composition could be changed under<br />

any circumstances (<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1995a: 183–193; 2001: 257–264). Thus, in the<br />

time of the Obas the political center still had substantially limited possibilities<br />

for exercising coercive authority because violence from its side could not be<br />

considered as legitimate if it were aimed directly at the society’s component<br />

units. The real power of a chiefdom or autonomous community head (onogie<br />

or odionwere respectively) still was as greater as farther his chiefdom or

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