Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
74 establishment of the colonial rule had not resulted in socio-political homogenization: autonomous communities and chiefdoms with political institutions of their own continued to exist within the kingdom. Benin remained a “multipolity”, that is a polity within which structural elements of different socio-political types and complexity levels coexisted and interacted (see Korotayev 1995b: 72–73; 1998b: 125–127; 2000: 195; Korotayev et al. 2000: 23–24). Undoubtedly, this situation’s lasting for all the many – probably seven, centuries of the Obas Benin history testifies to the fact that such polystratumness was the society’s essential feature and not a manifestation of its as if “transitional character”. Just this status of the society provided, above all, the presence of elements of heterarchy in the generally homoarchic socio-political order of the Benin Kingdom. In order to understand the nature of the relations between the socio-political whole and its components in the 13 th – 19 th centuries Benin, we must first look at the way they had co-existed in the preceding period of the First (Ogiso) dynasty, approximately in the 10 th – 12 th centuries. The scarce evidence on these “Dark Age” of Benin history prompts that in those days the country was an agglomeration of chiefdoms. Chiefdoms had started to form in Biniland in the mid-1 st millennium AD (Es’Andah 1976: 12–13; Obayemi 1976: 256; Bondarenko and Roese 1998; 1999: 545–546; Bondarenko 1999: 23–30; 2001: 55–65). A chiefdom could appear only under the leadership of an onogie (Bradbury 1957: 33; Egharevba 1960: 4), i.e. round a village with two heads of the local community as its center. For being able to place himself at the head of a chiefdom, the odionwere was too strongly connected with his native local community, was associated with it only, and was regarded to be the legitimate head of this community only as a descendant of its members’ ancestors. His profane endeavoring was restrained by his sacral, ritual duties that were his most fundamental obligation, irrespective of whether the odionwere was the only head of the given community or shared his power with the onogie (see Bondarenko and Roese 1998: 369-371). The duties of the head of the chiefdom were similar to those performed by heads of extended families and communities at lower levels (Bradbury 1957: 33). There also was the chiefdom council that was similar to corresponding family and community institutions. Besides the heads of the whole chiefdom and constituent communities the council was formed by the chiefdom edio (Egharevba 1949: 11; Sidahome 1964: 100, 158, 164). Thus the senior agegrade played the leading part in managing the chiefdom, as it played it at the family and community levels (Bradbury 1957: 16). The onogie’s community was as privileged within the chiefdom as the family of the community head within the latter. On the other hand, the ancestors’ cult of the chiefdom head was similar to those of the family and community heads but was performed at a higher level. At the same time it resembled the royal ancestors’ cult but was performed at the lower level (Bradbury 1973: 232).
- Page 98: 49 This paradigm sprang from their
- Page 102: 51 European visitor remarked that t
- Page 106: 53 “No council (of titled chiefs.
- Page 110: 55 that Benin was politically centr
- Page 114: 57 on the list of “major characte
- Page 118: 59 odionwere in people’s minds re
- Page 122: 61 profane responsibilities. Not by
- Page 126: 63 continuous establishing and main
- Page 130: 65 IV Was Benin a Suprakin Based So
- Page 134: 67 embracing kinship terminology (a
- Page 138: 69 territorial ties turned out hard
- Page 142: 71 Bondarenko 1993b: 193-194; 1998c
- Page 146: 73 appointed or confirmed outside t
- Page 152: 76 African simple chiefdoms (see, e
- Page 156: 78 be perceived as the legal “con
- Page 160: 80 (within several months), ighele
- Page 164: 82 and agricultural producers’ at
- Page 168: 84 The Bini community’s overall h
- Page 172: 86 predominate kin at the community
- Page 176: 88 cultural complexity). As has bee
- Page 180: 90 structure. Contrary to the situa
- Page 184: 92 not by a group of brothers [see
- Page 188: 94 1998: 26-27). However, even ther
- Page 192: 96 fact, from the viewpoint of soci
- Page 196: 98 acted. The polis culture was ind
74<br />
establishment of the colonial rule had not resulted in socio-political<br />
homogenization: autonomous communities and chiefdoms with political<br />
institutions of their own continued to exist within the kingdom. Benin<br />
remained a “multipolity”, that is a polity within which structural elements of<br />
different socio-political types and complexity levels coexisted and interacted<br />
(see Korotayev 1995b: 72–73; 1998b: 125–127; 2000: 195; Korotayev et al.<br />
2000: 23–24). Undoubtedly, this situation’s lasting for all the many – probably<br />
seven, centuries of the Obas Benin history testifies to the fact that such<br />
polystratumness was the society’s essential feature and not a manifestation of<br />
its as if “transitional character”.<br />
Just this status of the society provided, above all, the presence of<br />
elements of heterarchy in the generally homoarchic socio-political order of the<br />
Benin Kingdom. In order to understand the nature of the relations between the<br />
socio-political whole and its components in the 13 th – 19 th centuries Benin, we<br />
must first look at the way they had co-existed in the preceding period of the<br />
First (Ogiso) dynasty, approximately in the 10 th – 12 th centuries.<br />
The scarce evidence on these “Dark Age” of Benin history prompts<br />
that in those days the country was an agglomeration of chiefdoms. Chiefdoms<br />
had started to form in Biniland in the mid-1 st millennium AD (Es’Andah 1976:<br />
12–13; Obayemi 1976: 256; <strong>Bondarenko</strong> and Roese 1998; 1999: 545–546;<br />
<strong>Bondarenko</strong> 1999: 23–30; 2001: 55–65). A chiefdom could appear only under<br />
the leadership of an onogie (Bradbury 1957: 33; Egharevba 1960: 4), i.e. round<br />
a village with two heads of the local community as its center. For being able to<br />
place himself at the head of a chiefdom, the odionwere was too strongly<br />
connected with his native local community, was associated with it only, and<br />
was regarded to be the legitimate head of this community only as a descendant<br />
of its members’ ancestors. His profane endeavoring was restrained by his<br />
sacral, ritual duties that were his most fundamental obligation, irrespective of<br />
whether the odionwere was the only head of the given community or shared his<br />
power with the onogie (see <strong>Bondarenko</strong> and Roese 1998: 369-371). The duties<br />
of the head of the chiefdom were similar to those performed by heads of<br />
extended families and communities at lower levels (Bradbury 1957: 33). There<br />
also was the chiefdom council that was similar to corresponding family and<br />
community institutions. Besides the heads of the whole chiefdom and<br />
constituent communities the council was formed by the chiefdom edio<br />
(Egharevba 1949: 11; Sidahome 1964: 100, 158, 164). Thus the senior agegrade<br />
played the leading part in managing the chiefdom, as it played it at the<br />
family and community levels (Bradbury 1957: 16). The onogie’s community<br />
was as privileged within the chiefdom as the family of the community head<br />
within the latter. On the other hand, the ancestors’ cult of the chiefdom head<br />
was similar to those of the family and community heads but was performed at a<br />
higher level. At the same time it resembled the royal ancestors’ cult but was<br />
performed at the lower level (Bradbury 1973: 232).