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Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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66<br />

Murdock 1949; Bohannan and Middleton 1968; Needham 1971; Goody<br />

1973; Keesing 1975). As it was formulated by Robert Lowie (1948: 57),<br />

“… biological relationships merely serve as a starting point for the<br />

development of sociological conceptions of kinship”. After the period of the<br />

late 1960s – early 1970s when many leading anthropologists declared that there<br />

really was no such thing as kinship at all (see Barnes 2006), the wave of<br />

theoretical thought in cultural anthropology seems to have been rolling<br />

backwards, in the direction of recognition of the phenomenon of kinship<br />

accompanied by “rehabilitation” of its biological background, slowly from the<br />

mid-1980s (Schneider 1984) and more and more rapidly nowadays (vide stricto<br />

Carsten 2004). In this respect the contribution to the theory made by<br />

evolutionary biology (sociobiology) from the first steps of the discipline in the<br />

mid-1960s (Hamilton 1964) on can hardly be overestimated. In particular, the<br />

scientists working within this paradigm have shown the primordially biological<br />

nature of kin altruism and favoring, as well as of many other events related to<br />

the problem of kinship and its nature (e.g., Chagnon and Irons 1979: 79–249).<br />

The general view of sociobiologists on this problem may be represented<br />

correctly by the conclusion drawn by Birgit Stцbich (2002: 51): “The stronger<br />

theory is the kin altruism, cultural influence cannot be that strong.” That is, in<br />

the phenomenon of kinship biologically (genetically) predetermined features of<br />

individual behavior dominate socially imposed norms.<br />

Nevertheless, manifestations of kin altruism, favoring and so forth are<br />

important social facts, too. As everyone lives in a society, all the personal<br />

relations are objectified in it and by it. Actually, in this sense in a society<br />

nothing properly completely individual, personal can ever be found. The same<br />

way no relation between people can be purely biological: when relatives live<br />

together, each of them commits social acts every moment – the acts that if not<br />

involve or touch the rest of the association members directly, in any case give<br />

them reasons to add something to their evaluation of that person while the latter<br />

has to take their expectations of his behavior into account. One might say that<br />

biological kinship preexisted the human society, as far as without biological<br />

relations between individuals the very appearance of Homo sapiens of course<br />

could not become possible. However, as it is stressed by sociobiologists, the<br />

ties, truly social by nature, integrate non-human primate associations<br />

(Butovskaya and Fajnberg 1993: 129–148), and hence there are no reasons to<br />

discredit the arguments that biological and social in the phenomenon of kinship<br />

went hand in hand in associations of the humans’ direct ancestors either and<br />

that social objectification of biological relations is also older than the human<br />

species.<br />

What is especially significant with respect to the human society, is that<br />

kinship relations in it are not just objectified but also categorized and<br />

transformed what results in lack of convergence between biological and social<br />

kinship. In archaic societies social categorization as such takes the shape of all-

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