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Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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65<br />

IV<br />

Was Benin a Suprakin Based Society?<br />

1. Anthropological theory: kin vs. territory, biological vs. social<br />

By mentioning with respect to Benin the community matrix, the kin character<br />

of central for the society religious beliefs (and at the same time ideology) – the<br />

ancestor cult, etc. we come to one more aspect of the problem of the state<br />

which is, consciously or not, often evicted from many contemporary definitions<br />

due to the wide-spread approach to the state as merely a specific set of political<br />

institutions 44 (as well as to cultures in comparison with which the state is<br />

defined; e.g., Timothy Earle [1991: 14] postulates unequivocally that<br />

“… chiefdoms must be understood as political systems”). This aspect,<br />

intrinsically interdependent with the problem of bureaucracy, is coming to the<br />

fore of the non-kin, territorial relations in the state society.<br />

It is important even more so because of its high relevance for this<br />

work’s most general theoretical scope: I presume that homoarchic and<br />

heterarchic societies (at least preindustrial) typically differ in the correlation of<br />

kin and territorial lines in their organization (e.g., <strong>Bondarenko</strong> 2000c: 215;<br />

2001: 256–257; 2004b: 47–48). It can further be suggested that this distinction<br />

is in its turn connected with the type of the community, the universal<br />

substratum social institution, which is dominant. The extended-family<br />

community in which dominant vertical social ties are vividly expressed, being<br />

given the shape of kinship relations with the division of relatives into elder and<br />

younger as most important, is more peculiar to homoarchic societies. And<br />

generally characteristic of heterarchic societies is the territorial community in<br />

which dominant social ties are horizontal and apprehended in the first place as<br />

neighborhood ties among those equal in rights. I will elaborate on this point in<br />

some detail in the closing chapter.<br />

The “kin vs. territory” problem is intrinsically related to that of<br />

correlation of biological and social in the phenomenon of kinship. Morgan<br />

(1877) contrasted the kin-based society (societas) to territory-based (civitas) as<br />

the one underpinned by primordial “natural” ties to the one formed by, in this<br />

sense, artificial ties. Thus, he recognized kinship as a direct projection of real<br />

biological relations on the social sphere. However, in the 20 th century several<br />

generations of anthropologists, contrary to Morgan, recognized kinship as<br />

having social substance independent of biological and, even more so, as a<br />

social phenomenon par excellance (see, e.g., Lowie 1948; Lйvi-Strauss 1949;

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