Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy
62 Benin served as the matrix for the upper levels of social complexity) was not democratic, at least as far as the members of its council – all the nuclear families heads were not elected or, most often, even selected from a number of candidates but were recognized “in a natural way”, just the same as they became the heads of their small families. At the inheritance of the office of the extended family head (odafen noyanwa or odionmwan) a certain division of power between the eldest brother and the eldest son of a deceased took place. This controversy could arise out of ambivalence of the brothers’ position: they were not only brothers of the new ancestor but, like he, also sons of another ancestor – their common father. In the result, a brother acquired power over the deceased’s siblings (though more correctly, he was to get it, as in reality that did not go without saying [Bradbury 1973: 278–279]) while a son started exercising power over his descendants. 42 But in any case, the major determinant of the high status, the right and obligation to perform the rites of the new ancestors’ worship, remained with the deceased’s eldest son who either had already been promoted to the odion agegrade or actually joined it due to his new position in the family (Sharevskaja 1957: 204; Bradbury 1957: 54–55; 1973: 233–238; Forman, W. et al. 1960: 14). Thus, he became the principal person responsible for guaranteeing the internal integrity of the lineage, as far as just the ancestor cult made a lineage such and sanctioned its existence. The new status, rights, and duties were being acquired by the son gradually, in the course of his thorough and diligent performance of a long-lasting series of burial, funeral, and mourning rites (Thomas, N. W. 1920; Ajisafe 1945: 49; Bradbury 1965: 99; Uwaifo 1965; Roese 1992a). So, in general, in Benin the rule of inheritance by son did not stabilize (remind at this point the controversies in the royal family – see above, in section 2 of this chapter). As a matter of fact, the question was in recognition of a junior in age (a son) as the one closer to the family’s ancestors than a senior in age person – a deceased’s brother. In social respect this would have led to strengthening of nuclear-family ties at the expense of the ties in the extended family what would have been at variance with the general sociocultural atmosphere in the Bini society. The head of the extended family (odafen noianwa), and hence its council “chairman” and “spokesman” was recognized as the closest to the family’s patrilineal ancestors and thus potentially the best mediator between them and their living offspring (Egharevba 1949: 13–14; Bradbury 1957: 29, 54–56; 1973: 155–157, 160–164, 230–250; Sidahome 1964: 114). The odafen noianwa was considered and respected as the father of all the members of his extended family (Bradbury 1957: 54–56; 1973: 156, 157, 160–164, 230–250). He performed all the duties, including punitive (Thomas, N. W. 1910a: I, 121), the performance of which was necessary for the preservation of the collective stable being under the conditions of the ideology of gifts-and-servicesexchange dominance. First of all, the odafen noianwa was responsible for the
- Page 74: 37 inherited within definite extend
- Page 78: 39 Sidahome 1964: 143; Anonymous 19
- Page 82: 41 crowned with success. Only in th
- Page 86: 43 In any case, the Bini mass consc
- Page 90: 45 he was regarded as the one who h
- Page 94: 47 throne the Oba went on playing t
- Page 98: 49 This paradigm sprang from their
- Page 102: 51 European visitor remarked that t
- Page 106: 53 “No council (of titled chiefs.
- Page 110: 55 that Benin was politically centr
- Page 114: 57 on the list of “major characte
- Page 118: 59 odionwere in people’s minds re
- Page 122: 61 profane responsibilities. Not by
- Page 128: 64 44-45), and owe to this the esse
- Page 132: 66 Murdock 1949; Bohannan and Middl
- Page 136: 68 Engels [1985/1884] 46 after him)
- Page 140: 70 comes increasing stratification.
- Page 144: 72 would regard as such the societi
- Page 148: 74 establishment of the colonial ru
- Page 152: 76 African simple chiefdoms (see, e
- Page 156: 78 be perceived as the legal “con
- Page 160: 80 (within several months), ighele
- Page 164: 82 and agricultural producers’ at
- Page 168: 84 The Bini community’s overall h
- Page 172: 86 predominate kin at the community
62<br />
Benin served as the matrix for the upper levels of social complexity) was not<br />
democratic, at least as far as the members of its council – all the nuclear<br />
families heads were not elected or, most often, even selected from a number of<br />
candidates but were recognized “in a natural way”, just the same as they<br />
became the heads of their small families.<br />
At the inheritance of the office of the extended family head (odafen<br />
noyanwa or odionmwan) a certain division of power between the eldest brother<br />
and the eldest son of a deceased took place. This controversy could arise out of<br />
ambivalence of the brothers’ position: they were not only brothers of the new<br />
ancestor but, like he, also sons of another ancestor – their common father. In<br />
the result, a brother acquired power over the deceased’s siblings (though more<br />
correctly, he was to get it, as in reality that did not go without saying [Bradbury<br />
1973: 278–279]) while a son started exercising power over his descendants. 42<br />
But in any case, the major determinant of the high status, the right and<br />
obligation to perform the rites of the new ancestors’ worship, remained with the<br />
deceased’s eldest son who either had already been promoted to the odion agegrade<br />
or actually joined it due to his new position in the family (Sharevskaja<br />
1957: 204; Bradbury 1957: 54–55; 1973: 233–238; Forman, W. et al. 1960:<br />
14). Thus, he became the principal person responsible for guaranteeing the<br />
internal integrity of the lineage, as far as just the ancestor cult made a lineage<br />
such and sanctioned its existence. The new status, rights, and duties were being<br />
acquired by the son gradually, in the course of his thorough and diligent<br />
performance of a long-lasting series of burial, funeral, and mourning rites<br />
(Thomas, N. W. 1920; Ajisafe 1945: 49; Bradbury 1965: 99; Uwaifo 1965;<br />
Roese 1992a). So, in general, in Benin the rule of inheritance by son did not<br />
stabilize (remind at this point the controversies in the royal family – see above,<br />
in section 2 of this chapter). As a matter of fact, the question was in<br />
recognition of a junior in age (a son) as the one closer to the family’s ancestors<br />
than a senior in age person – a deceased’s brother. In social respect this would<br />
have led to strengthening of nuclear-family ties at the expense of the ties in the<br />
extended family what would have been at variance with the general sociocultural<br />
atmosphere in the Bini society.<br />
The head of the extended family (odafen noianwa), and hence its<br />
council “chairman” and “spokesman” was recognized as the closest to the<br />
family’s patrilineal ancestors and thus potentially the best mediator between<br />
them and their living offspring (Egharevba 1949: 13–14; Bradbury 1957: 29,<br />
54–56; 1973: 155–157, 160–164, 230–250; Sidahome 1964: 114). The odafen<br />
noianwa was considered and respected as the father of all the members of his<br />
extended family (Bradbury 1957: 54–56; 1973: 156, 157, 160–164, 230–250).<br />
He performed all the duties, including punitive (Thomas, N. W. 1910a: I, 121),<br />
the performance of which was necessary for the preservation of the collective<br />
stable being under the conditions of the ideology of gifts-and-servicesexchange<br />
dominance. First of all, the odafen noianwa was responsible for the