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Bondarenko Dmitri M. Homoarchy

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57<br />

on the list of “major characteristic features of the Edo-speaking peoples.”<br />

Through the age-grade system the intergenerational transmission of culture in<br />

the broadest meaning of the notion was carried out; the traditional social norms<br />

reflected in myths and legends first and foremost (Uwechue 1970: 146). Lack<br />

of doubt in fairness of the sanctified by tradition socio-political norms and<br />

relations, and of consciousness in observing them is the most fundamental<br />

pledge of the archaic cultures’ vitality (Mead 1970).<br />

The male dominance in the Bini community was related to the fact<br />

that men had the age-grade system whereas women did not have it (Bradbury<br />

1957: 32, note 14; 1973: 182). Clearly, this was an outcome of the situation<br />

typical of patrilineal cultures when “women have their hearth as the rear<br />

[while] men have the community hearth… Her own home, the hearth as a part<br />

of the community… is the background of the woman’s social functioning…<br />

[whereas] [t]he community as a whole is the background of the man’s social<br />

functioning…” (Girenko 1991: 154; see also Ksenofontova 1990: 51). In life<br />

of the family the Bini women played a well noticeable part but at the<br />

community level they were overshadowed by men almost completely and the<br />

degree of their involvement in the all-community affairs was generally<br />

insignificant (Mercier 1962: 289–292).<br />

Hence, in practice only men operated at the level of the suprafamily<br />

level of the collectivity’s being – just the one at which the age-grade system<br />

existed. Only those incorporated into it could become possessors of the<br />

esoteric knowledge: the community’s myths, history of the ancestors, rules of<br />

communication with them and deities for the whole collectivity’s benefit.<br />

However, men also got this knowledge not at once but in the course of their<br />

lifes, as they were approaching the ancestors. The whole amount of such<br />

information became accessible to them only with transition to the senior agegrade<br />

what was underlined particularly by the co-incidence of that grade’s and<br />

ancestors’ names: in the Edo language edion means both ancestors and<br />

elders. 38 Thus, the age-grades institution sanctioned the system of government<br />

in the community based on typical of it perceiving of any social relations as<br />

those between not individuals but collectivities, in this case – on the idea of<br />

proximity of a group of men to a group of male ancestors. The immense<br />

prestige of old men in general was based on the same premise (Dennett 1910:<br />

82; Uwechue 1970: 145; Bradbury 1973: 157, 172, 243–244, 249–250;<br />

Eweka, I. 1998: 157).<br />

So, the three age grades – “[e]roghae, eghele and edion represent, for<br />

the Edo, the three natural stages of life through which every man, as a useful<br />

member of the community, should pass” (Bradbury 1973: 172). Each agegrade<br />

carried out definite tasks, its members shared common duties, distinctive<br />

from those of the other two grades. The senior age-grade members, just called<br />

edion – “the elders” were released from physical work, and their main<br />

obligation was to exercise power and support proper relations with the

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