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Such an unwillingness to fight U.S. imperialism<br />

could hardly come from those with anti-imperialist<br />

politics. The reason we have to underline this is that for<br />

obvious ends the settler "Left" has been emphasizing how<br />

the I.W.W. was a mass example of anti-racist labor unity.<br />

This poisoned bait has been naively picked up by a number<br />

of Third-World revolutionary organizations, and used as<br />

one more small justification to move towards revisionistintegrationist<br />

ideology.<br />

There is no doubt that much of the I.W.W. genuinely<br />

despised the open, white-supremacist persecution<br />

of the colonial peoples. Unlike the smug, privileged A.F.L.<br />

aristocracy of labor, the I.W.W. represented the voice of<br />

those white workers who had suffered deeply and thus<br />

could sympathize with the persecuted. But their inability to<br />

confront the settleristic ambitions within themselves reduced<br />

these sparks of real class consciousness to vague sentiments<br />

and limited economic deals.<br />

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Sunday, Nov. 14th I8:Oo P M.1<br />

The I.W.W. never attempted to educate the most<br />

exploited white workers to unite with the national liberation<br />

struggles. Instead, it argued that "racial" unity on the<br />

job to raise wages was all that mattered. This is the approach<br />

used by the AFL-CIO today; obviously, it's a way<br />

of building a union in which white-supremacist workers<br />

tolerate colonial workers. This was the narrow, economic<br />

self-interest pitch underneath all the syndicalist talk. The<br />

I.W.W. warned white workers: "Leaving the Negro outside<br />

of your union makes him a potential, if not an actual,<br />

scab, dangerous to the organized workers.. . " (3 1) These<br />

words reveal that the I.W.W.'s goal was to control colonial<br />

labor for the benefit of white workers - and that<br />

Afrikans were viewed as "dangerous" if not controlled.<br />

So that even in 1919, after two years of severe<br />

"race riots" in the North (armed attacks by white workers<br />

on Afrikan exile communities), the I. W. W. kept insisting<br />

that there was: "...no race problem. There is only a class<br />

problem. The economic interests of all workers, be they<br />

white, black, brown or yellow, are identical, and all are included<br />

in the I.W.W. It has one program for the entire<br />

working class - "the abolition of the wage system." (32)<br />

The I.w.w.'s firm position of not fighting the lynch<br />

mobs, of not opposing the colonial system, allowed them<br />

to unite with the racist element in the factories - and<br />

helped prepare the immigrant proletariat for becoming<br />

loyal citizens of the Empire. It must never be forgotten<br />

that the I.W.W. contained genuinely proletarian forces,<br />

some of whom could have been led forward towards<br />

revolution.<br />

We can see this supposed unity actually at work in<br />

the I.W.W.'s relationship to the Japanese workers on the<br />

West Coast. In the Western region of the Empire the settler<br />

masses were deeply infected with anti-Asian hatred. Much<br />

of this at that time was directed at the new trickle of<br />

Japanese immigrant laborers, who were working mainly in<br />

agriculture, timber and railroads.<br />

These Japanese laborers were subjected to the<br />

most vicious persecution and exploitation, with the<br />

bourgeois politicians and press stirring up mob terror<br />

against them constantly. Both the Socialist Party of<br />

Eugene Debs and the A.F.L. unions helped lead the anti-<br />

Asian campaign among the settler masses. In April 1903,<br />

one thousand Japanese and Mexicano sugar beet workers<br />

struck near Oxnard, California. They formed the Sugar<br />

Beet & Farm Laborers Union, and wrote the A.F.L. asking<br />

for a union charter of affiliation.<br />

A.F.L. President Samual Gompers, in his usual<br />

treacherous style, tried in his reply to split the ranks of the<br />

oppressed: "Your union must guarantee that it will under<br />

no circumstances accept membership of any Chinese or<br />

Japanese."<br />

The union's Mexicano secretary (the President was<br />

Japanese) answered Gompers for his people: "In the past<br />

we have counseled, fought and lived on very short rations<br />

with our Japanese brothers, and toiled with them in the<br />

fields, and they have been uniformly kind and considerate.<br />

We would be false to them, and to ourselves and to the<br />

cause of unionism if we now accepted privileges for<br />

ourselves which are not accorded to them. We are going to<br />

stand by men who stood by us in the long, hard fight which<br />

ended in victory over the enemy." (33)<br />

Japanese workers were not only unable to find<br />

unity with the settler unions, but had to deal with them as<br />

part of the oppressor forces. There was a high level of<br />

organization among us, expressed usually in small, local,<br />

Japanese national minority associations of our own. The<br />

news, therefore, that the new I.W.W. was accepting Asian<br />

workers as members was quite welcome to us.<br />

In 1907 two white I.W.W. organizers went to the<br />

office of the North American Times, a Japanese-language<br />

newspaper in Seattle. They asked the newspaper to publish<br />

an announcement of a forthcoming meeting. As the<br />

newspaper happily informed its readers: "... every worker,<br />

no matter whether he is Japanese or Chinese, is invited ...<br />

This new organization does not exclude you as others do,<br />

but they heartily welcome you to join. Don't lose this<br />

69 chance." (34)

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