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off the former plantations at bayonet point by Union<br />
soldiers. While the Afrikans had coolly told returning<br />
planters to go - and pulled out weapons to emphasize<br />
their orders - they were not able to overcome the U.S. Army.<br />
In 1865 and 1866 the Union occupation disarmed and<br />
broke up such dangerous outbreaks. The special danger to<br />
the U. S. Empire was that the grass-roots political drive to<br />
have armed power over the land, to build economically<br />
self-sufficient regions under Afrikan control, would inevitably<br />
raise the question of Afrikan sovereignty.<br />
Afrikan soldiers who had learned too much for the<br />
U.S. Empire's peace of mind were a special target (of both<br />
Union and Confederate alike). Even before the War's end<br />
a worried President Lincoln had written to one of his<br />
generals: "I can hardly believe that the South and North<br />
can live in peace unless we get rid of the Negroes. Certainly<br />
they cannot, if we don't get rid of the Negroes whom we<br />
have armed and disciplined and who have fought with us, I<br />
believe, to the amount of 150,000 men. I believe it would<br />
be better to export them all ..."<br />
Afrikan U.S. army units were hurriedly disarmed<br />
and disbanded, or sent out of the South (out West to serve<br />
as colonial troops against the Indians, for example). The<br />
U.S. Freedmen's Bureau said in 1866 that the new, secret<br />
white terrorist organizations in Mississippi placed a special<br />
priority on murdering returning Afrikan veterans of the<br />
Union Army. In New Orleans some members of the U.S.<br />
74th Colored Infantry were arrested as "vagrants" the day<br />
after they were mustered out of the army. Everywhere in<br />
the occupied Afrikan Nation an emphasis was placed on<br />
defusing or wiping out the political guerrillas and militia of<br />
the Afrikan masses.<br />
The U.S. Empire's second blow was more subtle.<br />
The Northern settler bourgeoisie sought to convince<br />
Afrikans that they could, and should want to, become<br />
citizens of the U.S. Empire. To this end the 14th Amendment<br />
to the Constitution involuntarily made all Afrikans<br />
here paper U.S. citizens. This neo-colonial strategy offered<br />
Afrikan colonial subjects the false democracy of paper<br />
citizenship in the Empire that oppressed them and held<br />
their Nation under armed occupation.<br />
While the U.S. Empire had regained its most<br />
valuable colony, it had major problems. The Union Armies<br />
militarily held the territory of the Afrikan Nation.<br />
But the settlers who had formerly garrisoned the colony<br />
and overseen its economy could no longer be trusted; even<br />
after their attempted rival empire had been ended, the<br />
Southern settlers remained embittered and dangerous<br />
enemies of the U.S. bourgeoisie. The Afrikan masses,<br />
whose labor and land provided the wealth that the Empire<br />
extracted from their colony, were rebellious and unwilling<br />
to peacefully submit to the old ways. The Empire needed a<br />
loyalist force to hold and pacify the colony.<br />
The U.S. Empire's solution was to turn their<br />
Afrikan colony into a neo-colony. This phase was called<br />
Black Reconstruction.* Afrikans were promised<br />
democracy, human rights, self-government and popular<br />
ownership of the land - but only as loyal "citizens" of the<br />
U.S. Empire. Under the neo-colonial leadership of some<br />
petit-bourgeois elements, Afrikans became the loyalist<br />
social base. Not only were they enfranchised en masse, but 40<br />
Afrikans were participants and leaders in government:<br />
Afrikan jurors, judges, state officials, militia captains,<br />
Governors, Congressmen and even several Afrikan U.S.<br />
Senators were conspicuous.<br />
This regional political role for Afrikans produced<br />
results that would be startling in the Empire today, and by<br />
the settler standards of a century ago were totally<br />
astonishing. The white supremacist propagandist James<br />
Pike reports angrily of state government in South<br />
Carolina, the state with the largest Afrikan presence in<br />
government:<br />
"The members of the Assembly issued forth from<br />
the State House. About three-quarters of the crowd<br />
belonged to the African race. They were such a looking<br />
body of men as might pour out of a market-house or a<br />
courthouse at random in any Southern state. Every Negro<br />
type and physiognomy was here to be seen, from the<br />
genteel serving-man, to the rough-hewn customer from the<br />
rice or cotton field. Their dress was as varied as their<br />
countenances. There was the second-hand, black frockcoat<br />
of infirm gentility, glossy and threadbare. There was the<br />
stovepipe hat of many ironings and departed styles. There<br />
was also to be seen a total disregard of the proprieties nf<br />
costume in the coarse and dirty garments of the field.<br />
"The Speaker is black, the Clerk is black, the<br />
doorkeepers are black, the little pages are black, the Chairman<br />
of the Ways and Means is black, and the chaplin is<br />
coal black. At some of the desks sit colored men whose<br />
types it would be hard to find outside the Congo. It was<br />
not all sham, nor all burlesque. They have a genuine interest<br />
and a genuine earnestness in the business of the<br />
assembly which we are bound to recognize and<br />
respect.. .They have an earnest purpose, born of conviction<br />
that their conditions are not fully assured, which lends a<br />
sort of dignity to their proceedings."<br />
This dramatic reversal outraged the Confederate<br />
masses - who saw their former "property" now risen<br />
over them. The liberal Reconstruction governments swept<br />
away the social garbage of centuries, releasing modern<br />
reforms throughout Southern life: public school systems,<br />
integrated juries, state highway and railroad systems, protective<br />
labor reforms, divorce and property rights for<br />
women, and so on.<br />
What was most apparent about Black Reconstruction<br />
was its impossible contradictions. Now we can say<br />
that while it was a bold course for the Empire to embark<br />
upon, it so went against the structure of settler society that<br />
it could only have been temporary. Afrikans were organized<br />
politically into the loyalist Union Leagues (which were<br />
often armed), organized militarily into state militia companies,<br />
and all for the purpose of holding down some<br />
Euro-Amerikan settlers both for themselves and for the<br />
U.S. Empire. Yet, at the same time the Empire wanted<br />
Afrikans disarmed and disorganized. This neo-colonial<br />
bourgeois government of Black Reconstruction was<br />
doomed from its first day, since it promised that Afrikans<br />
would share the land and the power with settlers.<br />
The Afrikan petit-bourgeois leadership in government<br />
made every effort to stabilize relations with the