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gospel truth by most settlers that in a "Free" society, where Afrikans would be faced with "competition" (their phrases) from whites, they as inferiors must perish. The comparison was usually made to the Indians-who "died out" as white farmers took their land, as whole villages were wiped out in unprovoked massacres, as hunger and disease overtook them, as they became debilitated with addiction to alcohol, as the survivors were simply driven off to concentration camps at gunpoint. Weren't free Afrikans losing their jobs already? And weren't there literally millions of new European farmers eager to take the farmland that Afrikans had lived on and developed? Nor was it just the right-wingers that looked forward to getting rid of "The Negro Problem" (as all whites referred to it). All tendencies of the Abolitionists contained not only those who defended the human rights of Afrikans, but also those who publicly or privately agreed that Afrikans must go. Gamaliel Bailey, editor of the major abolitionist journal National Era, promised his white readers that after slavery was ended all Afrikans would leave the U.S. The North's most prominent theologian, Rev. Horace Bushnell, wrote in 1839 that emancipation would be "one bright spot" to console Afrikans, who were "doomed to spin their brutish existence downward into extinction ..." That extinction, he told his followers, was only Divine Will, and all for the good. Rev. Theodore Parker was one of the leading spokesmen of radical abolitionism, one who helped finance John Brown's uprising at Harper's Ferry, and who afterwards defended him from the pulpit. Yet even Parker believed in an all-white Amerika; he firmly believed that: "The strong replaces the weak. Thus, the white man kills out the red man and the black man. When slavery is abolished the African population will decline in the United States, and die out of the South as out of Northampton and Lexington. "(22) While many settlers tried to hide their genocidal longings behind the fictions of "natural law" or "Divine Will", others were more honest in saying that it would happen because Euro-Amerikans were determined to make it happen. Thus, even during the Civil War, the House of Representatives issued a report on emancipation that strongly declared: "...the highest interests of the white race, whether Anglo-Saxon, Celt, or Scandinavian, require that the whole country should be held and occupied by these races alone." In other words, they saw no contradiction between emancipation and genocide. The leading economist George M. Weston wrote in 1857 that: "When the white artisans and farmers want the room which the African occupies, they will not take it by rude force, but by gentle and gradual and peaceful processes. The Negro will disappear, perhaps to regions more congenial to him, perhaps to regions where his labor can be more useful, perhaps by some process of colonization we may yet devise; but at all events he will disappear."(23) fought to reserve the new territories and states of the West for Europeans only. This was the main forerunner of the Republican party of 1854, the first settler political party whose platform was the defeat of the "Slave Power". The Republican Party itself strongly reflected this ideology of an all-White Amerika. Although most of its leaders supported limited civil rights for Afrikans, they did so only in the context of the temporary need for Empire to treat its subjects humanely. Sen. William Seward of New York was the leading Republican spokesman before the Civil War (during which he served as Lincoln's Secretary of State). In his famous Detroit speech during the 1860 campaign, he said: "The great fact is now fully realized that the African race here is a foreign and feeble element, like the Indian incapable of assimilation.. ." Both would, he promised his fellow settlers, "altogether disappear. " Lincoln himself said over and over again during his entire political career that all Afrikans would eventually have to disappear from North America. The theme of Afrikan genocide runs like a dark thread, now hidden and now visible in the violent weaving of the future, throughout settler political thought of that day. It should be remembered that while most Northern settlers opposed Afrikan slavery for these reasons by the 1860's, even after the Civil War settlers promoted Indian, Mexicano and Chinese enslavement when it was useful to colonize the Southwest and West. One settler account of the Apache-U.S. wars in the Southwest reveals the use of slavery as a tool of genocide: "More than anything else, it was probably the incessant kidnapping and enslavement of their women and children that gave Apaches their mad-dog enmity toward the whites ... It was officially estimated that 2,000 Indian slaves were held by the white people of New Mexico and Arizona in 1866, after 20 years of American rule - unofficial estimates placed the figure several times higher ... 'Get them back for us,' Apaches begged an Army officer in 1871, referring to 29 children just stolen by citizens of Arizona; 'our little boys will grow up slaves, and our little girls, as soon as they are large enough, will be diseased prostitutes, to get money for whoever owns them.. .' Prostitution of captured Apache girls, of which much mention is made in the 1860's and 1870's, seemed to trouble the Apaches exceedingly. "(24) So that at the same time that the U.S. was supposedly ending slavery and "Emancipating" Afrikans, the U.S. Empire was using slavery of the most barbaric kind in order to genocidally destroy the Apache. It was colonial rule and genocide that were primary. National political movements were formed by settlers to bring this day about. The Colonization movement, embodied in the American Colonization Society, organized hundreds of local chapters to press for national legislation whereby Afrikans would be removed to new colonies in Afrika, the West Indies or Central America. U.S. Presidents from Monroe in'1817 to Lincoln in 1860 endorsed the society, and the semi-colony of Liberia was started as a trial. Much larger was the Free Soil Party, which 30
3. White Labor Against the Oppressed The great democratic issues of that time could only dangerous concentrations of Afrikans in the metropolitan grow out of this intense, seething nexus of Empire and col- centers. ony, of oppressor nation and oppressed nations. Nothing took place that was not a factor on the battleground of Frederick Douglass said in 1855: "Every hour sees Empire and oppressed. Nothing. Everyone was caught up us elbowed out of some employment to make room in the war, however dimly they understood their own posi- perhaps for some newly arrived immigrants, whose hunger tion. The new millions of immigrant European workers and color are thought to give them a title to especial favor. were desperately needed by the Empire. By 1860 half of the White men are becoming house-servants, cooks and populations of New York, Chicago, Pittsburgh and St. stewarts, common laborers and flunkeys to our gentry ..." Louis were new immigrant Europeans. These rein- The Philadelphia newspaper Colored American said as forcements were immediately useful in new offensives early as 1838 that free Afrikans "have ceased to be against the Indian, Afrikan and Mexicano peoples. While hackney coachmen and draymen*, and they are now the settler economy was still absolutely dependent upon the almost displaced as stevedores. They are rapidly losing forced labor. of the Afrikan proletariat (cotton alone ac- ---- --- .- counted for almost 60% of U.S. export earnings in 1860), *carriers-those who hauled goods around the city for a the new reinforcements provided the means to reverse the 31 fee.
Page 2 and 3: The minority puts a dogmatic view i
Page 4 and 5: U.S. imperialism would rather that
Page 6 and 7: The final point we must make is tha
Page 8 and 9: carpenter would earn in a day. When
Page 10 and 11: while the evil planter and the Lond
Page 12 and 13: society of settlers. The large majo
Page 14 and 15: 11. STRUGGLES & ALLIANCES The popul
Page 16 and 17: , . , in short what wee did in that
Page 18 and 19: more nearly fascistic. Bacon was th
Page 20 and 21: "democracy" through wresting their
Page 22 and 23: 111. THE CONTRADICTIONS OF NATION &
Page 24 and 25: The Charleston conspiracy of 1822,
Page 26 and 27: IV. SETTLER TRADE- UNIONISM 1. The
Page 28 and 29: Cherokee Nation on "Trail of Tears
Page 30 and 31: taxation and other measures to give
Page 34 and 35: their places as barbers and servant
Page 36 and 37: is a historic engineering achieveme
Page 38 and 39: Chinaman always have something to e
Page 40 and 41: While marching through a region, th
Page 42 and 43: off the former plantations at bayon
Page 44 and 45: hostility, can be expected of two-t
Page 46 and 47: the early 1830's, continued and gat
Page 48 and 49: dustries, trades, and nationalities
Page 50 and 51: Irish, (2) German, and (3) many sma
Page 52 and 53: On the other hand, there is the ten
Page 54 and 55: ed bribery: "The truth is this: dur
Page 56 and 57: narionally-disrincf strata (literal
Page 58 and 59: 2. Settler Opposition To Imperialis
Page 60 and 61: His political thought was that wher
Page 62 and 63: fine and resumed his post as U.S. c
Page 64 and 65: workers from Southern and Eastern E
Page 66 and 67: and "Break up the narionalisric, ra
Page 68 and 69: While the I.W.W. was backward in ma
Page 70 and 71: As the Great Powers were drawn into
Page 72 and 73: The I.W.W. publicly criticised thos
Page 74 and 75: Magon once angrily wrote his brothe
Page 76 and 77: The authorities did not move to "re
Page 78 and 79: VII. BREAKTHROUGH OF THE C.I.O. It
Page 80 and 81: danger, because alcohol was needed
Page 82 and 83:
Millions of settlers believed that
Page 84 and 85:
President Roosvelt privately said i
Page 86 and 87:
importantly, to break up the rising
Page 88 and 89:
colored men whom they could guarant
Page 90 and 91:
practiced segregation on a broad sc
Page 92 and 93:
VIII. IMPERIALIST WAR & THE NEW AME
Page 94 and 95:
This remarkable editorial was accur
Page 96 and 97:
Japan would be forced into a "fairl
Page 98 and 99:
tler reunification. The stormy conf
Page 100 and 101:
Afrikans and Asians on the West Coa
Page 102 and 103:
strategy to its limits, the U.S. Em
Page 104 and 105:
I t I In 1921 the African Blood Bro
Page 106 and 107:
secretly organizing in Tallapoosa C
Page 108 and 109:
Negro is the goat of the STFU. " Al
Page 110 and 111:
The support movement took many form
Page 112 and 113:
These agricultural workers paid $8.
Page 114 and 115:
the whole Afrikan population within
Page 116 and 117:
with a Negro World was five years a
Page 118 and 119:
"(5) The U.N.I.A. is chiefly compos
Page 120 and 121:
ming themselves and preparing to ta
Page 122 and 123:
workers would have to wear an arm b
Page 124 and 125:
strike down the Afrikan Nation - an
Page 126 and 127:
Asians or Chicano-Mexicanos or Afri
Page 128 and 129:
and resisters. But this popular cur
Page 130 and 131:
who had once started it. In the ear
Page 132 and 133:
activists, former Communist members
Page 134 and 135:
Campos. Afterwards, Foster wrote a
Page 136 and 137:
Toure related this to the fact that
Page 138 and 139:
XII. THE GLOBAL PLANTATION 1. The P
Page 140 and 141:
presidents..five secretaries did th
Page 142 and 143:
The maquilas do not constitute any
Page 144 and 145:
The shortfall only exists because a
Page 146 and 147:
For Every Party, There's a Morning
Page 148 and 149:
While there are numbers of Euro-Ame
Page 150 and 151:
suming things and owning things, no
Page 152 and 153:
estricted crafts rose at a rate 3 t
Page 154 and 155:
collection, swimming pools, better
Page 156 and 157:
children. For them the flavor is so
Page 158 and 159:
XIV. TACTICAL & STRATEGIC The settl
Page 160 and 161:
Since Afrikan miners were perhaps 2
Page 162 and 163:
man, would ask of you to dispel1 ai
Page 164 and 165:
Coal From South Africa Apartheid in
Page 166 and 167:
Besides, he continued, to be overly
Page 168 and 169:
INTRODUCTION 1. AU references to di
Page 170 and 171:
26. ROGER W. SHUGG. Origins of Clas
Page 172 and 173:
162-166. 16. FRANCIS PERKINS. The R
Page 174:
6. New York Times. September 18, 19
Page 179 and 180:
BALTIMORE, APRIL, 1968 - I'm not go
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