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The Charleston conspiracy of 1822, led by Denmark<br />

Vesey (a free carpenter), was an organization of urban<br />

proletarians-stevedores, millers, lumberyard<br />

workers, blacksmiths, etc.. Similarly, the great conspiracy<br />

of 1856 was organized among coal mine, mill and factory<br />

workers across Kentucky and Tennessee. In its failure,<br />

some 65 Afrikans were killed at Senator Bell's iron works<br />

alone. It was particularly alarming to the settlers that those<br />

Afrikans who had been given the advantages of urban living,<br />

and who had skilled positions, just used their relative<br />

mobility to strike at the colonial system all the more effectively.(ll)<br />

From among the ranks of free Afrikans outside<br />

the South came courageous organizers, who moved<br />

through the South like guerrillas leading their brethren to<br />

freedom. And not just a few exceptional leaders, such as<br />

Harriet Tubman; in 1860 we know that five hundred<br />

underground organizers went into the South from Canada<br />

alone. On the plantations the Afrikan masses resisted in a<br />

conscious, political culture. A letter from a Charleston,<br />

S.C. plantation owner in 1844 tells how all the slaves in the<br />

area secretly celebrated every August 1st - the anniversary<br />

of the end of slavery in the British West Indies.(ll)<br />

Abolishing slavery was the commonly proposed<br />

answer to this increasing instability in the colonial system.<br />

The settler bourgeoisie, however, which had immense<br />

capital tied up in slaves, could hardly be expected to take<br />

such a step willingly. One immediate response in the 1830's<br />

was to break up the Afrikan communities in the cities. In<br />

the wake of the Vesey conspiracy, for instance, the<br />

Charleston City Council urged that the number of male<br />

Afrikans in the city "be greatly diminished".(l2) And they<br />

were.<br />

Throughout the South much of the Afrikan<br />

population was gradually shipped back to the plantations,<br />

declining year after year until the Civil War. In New<br />

Orleans the drop was from 50% to 15% of the city population;<br />

in St. Louis from 25% to only 2% of the city population.(l3)<br />

The needs of the new industrial economy were far<br />

less important to the bourgeoisie than breaking up the<br />

dangerous concentrations of oppressed, and regaining a<br />

safe, Euro-Amerikan physical domination over the key urban<br />

centers.<br />

One Northern writer traveling through the South<br />

noted in 1859 that the Afrikans had been learning too<br />

much in the cities: "This has alarmed their masters, and<br />

they are sending them off, as fast as possible, to theplantations<br />

where, as in a tomb, no sight or sound of knowledge<br />

can reach them. "(14) In addition to the physical restrictions,<br />

the mass terror, etc. that we all know were imposed,<br />

it is important to see that settler Amerika reacted to the<br />

growing consciousness of Afrikans by attempting to isolate<br />

and physically break up the oppressed communities. It is a<br />

measure of how strongly the threat of Revolution was rising<br />

in the Afrikan nation that the settlers had to restructure<br />

their society in response. The relative backwardness of the<br />

Southern economy was an expression of the living contradictions<br />

of the slave system.<br />

2. Slavery vs. Settlerism<br />

Slavery had become an obstacle to both the con- awaited, that could only be held by millions of loyal settinued<br />

growth of settler society and the interests of the tlers. After Haiti, it was increasingly obvious that a "thin,<br />

Euro-Amerikan bourgeoisie. It was not that slavery was white line" of a few soldiers, administrators and planters<br />

unprofitable itself. It was, worker for worker, much more could not safely hold down whole oppressed nations. Only<br />

profitable than white wage-labor. Afrikan slaves in in- the weight of masses of oppressors could provide the Eurodustry<br />

cost the capitalists less than one-third the wages of Amerikan bourgeoisie with the Empire they desired. This<br />

white workingmen. Even when slaves were rented from was a fundamental element in the antagonistic, but symanother<br />

capitalist, the savings in the factory or mine were biotic, relationship of the white masses to their rulers.<br />

still considerable.For example, in the 1830's almost onethird<br />

of the workers at the U.S. Navy shipyard at Norfolk<br />

The slave system had committed the fatal sin of<br />

were Afrikans, rented at only two-thirds the cost of white restricting the white population, while massing great<br />

wage-labor.(l5)<br />

numbers of Afrikans. In the 1860 Census we can see the<br />

disparity of the settler populations of North and South.<br />

But the Amerikan capitalists needed to greatly ex- Excluding the border States of Delaware and Maryland,<br />

pand their labor force. While the planters believed that im- the slave States had a median population density of a bare<br />

porting ney millions of Afrikan slaves would most pro- 18 whites per sq. mile. The most heavily populated slave<br />

fitably meet this need, it was clear that this would only add State-Kentucky-had a population of only 31 whites per<br />

fuel to the fires of the already insurrectionary Afrikan col- sq.mile. In sharp contrast, Northern States such as Ohio,<br />

ony. Profit had to be seen not in the squeezing of a few New Jersey, and Massachusetts had populations of 59, 81,<br />

more dollars on a short-term, individual basis, but in terms and 158 whites per sq. mile respectively.(l6) This disparity<br />

of the needs of an entire Empire and its future. And it was was not only large, but was qualitatively significant for the<br />

not just the demand for labor alone that outmoded the future of the Euro-Amerikan Empire.<br />

slave system.<br />

It is no surprise that the planter bourgeoisie view-<br />

Capitalism needed giant armies of settlers, waves ed society far differently than did the New York banker or<br />

and waves of new European shock-troops to help cofiquer Massachusetts mill owner. The thought of an Amerika<br />

and hold new territory, to develop it for the bourgeoisie, crowded with millions and millions of poverty-stricken<br />

and garrison it against the oppressed. The Mississippi European laborers, all sharing citizenship with their<br />

Valley, the Plains, the Northern territories of Mexico, the mansion-dwelling brothers, horrified the planter elite.<br />

Pacific West-a whole continent of land and resources 22 They viewed themselves as the founders of a future

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