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Besides, he continued, to be overly principled would be meaningless since "rhe League is through. "With a smile, he revealed that the UNC had been secretly dealing with key Afrikan supporters of the League. As an example, he said that at a plant of the Ford River Rouge complex the UNC had convinced a League activist that if he split with the League and took some of its base of support with him, that together with the UNC's Euro-Amerikan voting bloc they would have enough votes to make him the next local union President! The UNC leader felt certain that with such practical bribes, they would be able to gradually win over enough Afrikan workers to undermine the League. (12)* It is interesting that the supporters of this radicalled, "rank-and-file" workers caucus were busy arming themselves against Afrikans - at the same time tactical unity for union reform was being proposed. The most interesting fact that emerges, however, is that this radical-led settler caucus - organized to fight the established UAW bureaucracy - was using the exact same tactic against Afrikan revolutionaries as was the UAW bureaucracy! Both were working to divide the ranks of Afrikan auto workers, both promoting moderate Afrikan leaders who accepted settler hegemony, in order to undercut the threatened leadership of Afrikan revolutionaries. So where was the real unity? In earlier chapters we primarily focussed on the larger picture of Euro-Amerikan workers in relation to the expansion of the U.S. Empire and the development within that of settlerism. Here we have examined the politics of settler unionism in the workplace, in its tactical relations with Third-World workers. What is important about these case histories is that they should push us to think, to question, to closely examine many of the neo-colonial remnants in our minds. "Working class unity" of oppressor and oppressed is both theoretically good, and is immediately practical we are told. It supposedly pays off in higher wages, stronger unions and more organization. But did it? Some Afrikan coal miners did indeed get higher wages, better working conditions and so on from this unity. But to pay for that most got driven out of their jobs. Many Afrikan families who once mined coal now live in exile and on welfare in the North. A part of the economic foundation of New Afrika was taken over and occupied by settler workers - acting as social troops of the U.S. Empire. It was a national set-back. In all this the UMW, the union organization, was guarding only the strategic interests of U.S. Imperialism. Afrikan miners proved to be without organization, merely prisoners within an organization of their oppressors. Was this just an isolated, untypical example? No. Afrikan workers were gradually herded into the oldest, least mechanized mines. Their exploitation helped provide the capital for modernization and economic investment elsewhere - and then they were laid off and the industry was gradually de-Afrikanized. Sounds like Detroit, doesn't it? What happened to the many thousands of Afrikan workers who were once the majority force in the nowclosed Chicago meat-packing industry? The actual history disproves the thesis that in settler Amerika "common working class interests" override the imperialist contradictions of oppressor and oppressed nations when it comes to tactical unity around economic issues. The same applies to the thesis that supposed ideological unity with the Euro-Amerikan "Left" also overrides imperialist contradictions, and hence, even with their admitted shortcomings, they are supposed allies of the oppressed against U.S. Imperialism. Could it be the other way around? That despite their tactical contradictions with the bourgeoisie, that Euro-Amerikan workers and revisionistic radicals have strategic unity with U.S. Imperialism? Most importantly, how has imperialism been so successful in using this tactical unity against the oppressed? The thesis we have advanced about the settleristic and non-proletarian nature of the U.S. oppressor nation is a historic truth, and thereby a key to leading the concrete struggles of today. Self-reliance and building mass institutions and movements of a specific national character, under the leadership of a communist party, are absolute necessities for the oppressed. Without these there can be no national liberation. This thesis is not "anti-white" or "racialist" or "narrow nationalism." Rather, it is the advocates of oppressor nation hegemony over all struggles of the masses that are promoting the narrowest of nationalisms - that of the U.S. settler nation. When we say that the principal characteristic of imperialism is parasitism, we are also saying that the principal characteristic of settler trade-unionism is parasitism, and. rhat the principal characteristic of settler radicalism is parasirism. Every nation and people has its own contribution to make to the world revolution. This is true for all of us, and obviously for Euro-Amerikans as well. But this is another discussion, one that can only really take place ili the context of breaking up the U.S. Empire and ending the U.S. oppressor nation. THE END *The complex reasons for the League's demise and the outcome of the various counter-insurgency tactics against it is far beyond the scope of this paper. This case study does not answer these questions.
When the new Republic is established there will never be any more army in Mexico. Armies are the greatest support of tyranny. There can be no Dictator without an army. We will put the army to work. In all parts of the Republic we will establish military colonies composed of the veterans of the Revolution. The State will give them grants of agricultural lands and establish big industrial enterprises to give them work. Three days a week they will work and work hard, because honest work is more important than fighting, and only honest work makes good citizens. And the other three days they will receive military instruction and go out and teach all the people how to fight. Then, when the Patria is invaded, we will just have to telephone from the palace at Mexico City, and in half a day all the Mexican people will rise from their fields and factories, fully armed, equipped and organized to defend their children and their homes. My ambition is to live my life in one of those military colonies, among my companeros whom I love, who have suffered so long and so deeply with me. Francisco "Pancho" Villa
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The minority puts a dogmatic view i
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U.S. imperialism would rather that
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The final point we must make is tha
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carpenter would earn in a day. When
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while the evil planter and the Lond
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society of settlers. The large majo
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11. STRUGGLES & ALLIANCES The popul
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, . , in short what wee did in that
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more nearly fascistic. Bacon was th
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"democracy" through wresting their
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111. THE CONTRADICTIONS OF NATION &
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The Charleston conspiracy of 1822,
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IV. SETTLER TRADE- UNIONISM 1. The
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Cherokee Nation on "Trail of Tears
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taxation and other measures to give
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gospel truth by most settlers that
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their places as barbers and servant
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is a historic engineering achieveme
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Chinaman always have something to e
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While marching through a region, th
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off the former plantations at bayon
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hostility, can be expected of two-t
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the early 1830's, continued and gat
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dustries, trades, and nationalities
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Irish, (2) German, and (3) many sma
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On the other hand, there is the ten
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ed bribery: "The truth is this: dur
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narionally-disrincf strata (literal
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2. Settler Opposition To Imperialis
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His political thought was that wher
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fine and resumed his post as U.S. c
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workers from Southern and Eastern E
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and "Break up the narionalisric, ra
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While the I.W.W. was backward in ma
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As the Great Powers were drawn into
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The I.W.W. publicly criticised thos
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Magon once angrily wrote his brothe
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The authorities did not move to "re
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VII. BREAKTHROUGH OF THE C.I.O. It
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danger, because alcohol was needed
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Millions of settlers believed that
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President Roosvelt privately said i
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importantly, to break up the rising
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colored men whom they could guarant
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practiced segregation on a broad sc
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VIII. IMPERIALIST WAR & THE NEW AME
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This remarkable editorial was accur
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Japan would be forced into a "fairl
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tler reunification. The stormy conf
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Afrikans and Asians on the West Coa
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strategy to its limits, the U.S. Em
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I t I In 1921 the African Blood Bro
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secretly organizing in Tallapoosa C
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Negro is the goat of the STFU. " Al
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The support movement took many form
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These agricultural workers paid $8.
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the whole Afrikan population within
Page 116 and 117: with a Negro World was five years a
Page 118 and 119: "(5) The U.N.I.A. is chiefly compos
Page 120 and 121: ming themselves and preparing to ta
Page 122 and 123: workers would have to wear an arm b
Page 124 and 125: strike down the Afrikan Nation - an
Page 126 and 127: Asians or Chicano-Mexicanos or Afri
Page 128 and 129: and resisters. But this popular cur
Page 130 and 131: who had once started it. In the ear
Page 132 and 133: activists, former Communist members
Page 134 and 135: Campos. Afterwards, Foster wrote a
Page 136 and 137: Toure related this to the fact that
Page 138 and 139: XII. THE GLOBAL PLANTATION 1. The P
Page 140 and 141: presidents..five secretaries did th
Page 142 and 143: The maquilas do not constitute any
Page 144 and 145: The shortfall only exists because a
Page 146 and 147: For Every Party, There's a Morning
Page 148 and 149: While there are numbers of Euro-Ame
Page 150 and 151: suming things and owning things, no
Page 152 and 153: estricted crafts rose at a rate 3 t
Page 154 and 155: collection, swimming pools, better
Page 156 and 157: children. For them the flavor is so
Page 158 and 159: XIV. TACTICAL & STRATEGIC The settl
Page 160 and 161: Since Afrikan miners were perhaps 2
Page 162 and 163: man, would ask of you to dispel1 ai
Page 164 and 165: Coal From South Africa Apartheid in
Page 168 and 169: INTRODUCTION 1. AU references to di
Page 170 and 171: 26. ROGER W. SHUGG. Origins of Clas
Page 172 and 173: 162-166. 16. FRANCIS PERKINS. The R
Page 174: 6. New York Times. September 18, 19
Page 179 and 180: BALTIMORE, APRIL, 1968 - I'm not go
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