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"Times are changing in the U.S. labor movement.<br />

When a major union recognizes the unity between the<br />

struggles of U.S. workers and workers abroad, it is a sharp<br />

departure from the usual union campaign of 'Be<br />

American, Buy American', which fails to distinguish the<br />

common interests of workers throughout the world. It is<br />

even more significant when the U.S. workers are from the<br />

South and the workers abroad are Afrikan ..."<br />

This was truly unbelievable. How could the UMW<br />

and its mass of Euro-Amerikan members - who had a<br />

proven record of white-supremacist attacks on Afrikan<br />

workers - literally overnight without a struggle be converted<br />

to Proletarian Internationalism? Yet the Euro-<br />

Amerikan "left" was responsible for that new alliance.<br />

Some of the organizations involved in uniting with the<br />

UMW were the Revolutionary Union (now the Revolutionary<br />

Communist Party), the October League (now<br />

CPUSA-ML), The Black Workers Congress, some<br />

elements from the Southern Conference Education Fund<br />

and the Atlanta African Liberation Support Committee.<br />

On the basis of its new found "solidarity" with<br />

Afrikan Liberation, the UMW District 20 officers approached<br />

the Afrikan dockworkers in Mobile, Alabama<br />

(where the South Afrikan coal was to be unloaded) and<br />

asked them to join the campaign and not unload the coal.<br />

The Afrikan dockworkers in Mobile refused. And at that<br />

point the whole treacherous scheme by the UMW and the<br />

settler radicals blew apart at the seams.<br />

It turned out that the UMW District 20 leadership<br />

was, of course, totally reactionary and white-supremacist .<br />

They were, in fact, the labor arm in the area of the rabid<br />

George Wallace "American Independence Party" movement.<br />

Their settler union had also endorsed the then<br />

Attorney-General Bill Baxley, who was appealing to Euro-<br />

Amerikan voters by personally trying to get the death<br />

penalty for the Atmore-Holman Brothers. Inside the mines<br />

they openly promoted the most vicious race-baiting -<br />

knowing all this, the Afrikan dockworkers refused to have<br />

anything to do with them. (8)<br />

The genesis of that strange charade began with the<br />

UMW's decision to fight importation of all foreign coal.<br />

The decision by the Southern Power Co. to import $50<br />

million worth of low-sulfur South Afrikan coal was singled<br />

out. At that point the District 20 reactionaries were quietly<br />

approached by some Euro-Amerikan radicals, who convinced<br />

them that by falsely adopting "Anti-imperialist"<br />

slogans they could trick the Afrikan dockworkers into<br />

fighting to save Euro-Amerikan jobs (stolen from<br />

Afrikans, of course). That's what all that treachery was<br />

about - "tactical unity" based on settler self-interest.<br />

That's why we saw the unreal spectacle of racist Alabama<br />

settlers marching around with signs saying "Support South<br />

African Liberation."<br />

Finally, the UMW miners had to tell the radicals to<br />

leave the boycott picket lines or get tossed out. An article<br />

in the Sept. 11, 1974 Guardian said that even though the<br />

Alabama UMW was now cooperating with the FBI and the<br />

Alabama State Police, the radical Coalition To Stop South<br />

African Coal still wanted to unite with them and still supported<br />

their settler boycott.<br />

The entire example of attempted tactical unity<br />

shows how strongly the oppressor nation character of both<br />

the settler unions and the settler "Left" determines their<br />

actions. The settler "Left" tried to reach an opportunistic<br />

deal with reactionary labor leaders, hoping that Afrikan<br />

workers could be used to pay the price for their alliance.<br />

While the settler radicals professed a heart-felt<br />

concern with helping the liberation struggle in South<br />

Afrika, we notice that they were totally unconcerned with<br />

the long-standing genocidal attack of the UMW against the<br />

economic base of Afrikans in the occupied South. Further,<br />

they covered up for their settler fellow citizens as much as<br />

possible. What is evident is that despite the tactical division<br />

between the rabid, George Wallace-loving settlers and the<br />

radical settlers, their common national position as oppressors<br />

gave them a strategic unity in opposing the interests<br />

of the oppressed.<br />

After an emotional meeting in their local union<br />

hall with a representative from Zimbabwe, the Afrikan<br />

longshoremen temporarily held off the orders of their local<br />

union president and stalled for a day in unloading the<br />

South Afrikan coal. They desired to show support for the<br />

liberation struggle of their brothers and sisters in Southern<br />

Afrika. However incomplete and still undeveloped, that<br />

desire for solidarity was real. But in regards to the attempted<br />

UMW boycott, the Afrikan longshoremen were firm in<br />

their refusal to have anything to do with it.<br />

That attempted maneuver was crude and obvious,<br />

no matter how lovingly the settler radicals wrapped it up in<br />

a camouflage of "anti-imperialist" slogans and postures.<br />

The Afrikan longshoremen saw right through it, right to its<br />

rip-off, reactionary essence. How come the Black Workers<br />

Congress couldn't unmask it? How come all the assorted<br />

Frustrated, the Klan-like unionists turned on the<br />

settler radicals and denounced them. Soon the Guardian<br />

and the other settler "left" organizations had to admit that<br />

the UMW leaders were not as they'd originally pictured<br />

1 them. Even after the UMW admitted that they didn't care<br />

I about any Afrikan liberation, but only wanted to boycott<br />

all foreign coal to save settler jobs, the Euro-Amerikan<br />

radicals kept trying to support them.

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