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strike down the Afrikan Nation - and also grant sufficient<br />
concessions to the Afrikan masses in order to stave<br />
off rebellion.<br />
We must remember that there was a strong, rising<br />
tide of Afrikan struggle. The armed sharecropper outbreaks<br />
on the National Territory, the violent uprising that<br />
took over Harlem for three days, the mass anger that finally<br />
forced even imperialism's loyal Afrikan allies to make<br />
threats against it, all were convincing signs of even larger<br />
rebellion soon to come. Locked into a "rule-or-ruin"<br />
global war, could the U.S. Empire afford to also divert<br />
troops and energy to fight major colonial wars at home?<br />
This was the heat that finally bent even the iron rule of<br />
Empire.<br />
The Need for Colonial Labor<br />
This contradiction was resolved through the<br />
specific form of "Americanization" imperialism enforced<br />
on Afrikans. The genocidal campaign to change the<br />
population balance and repressively disrupt the Afrikan<br />
South would continue without letup - but the pill would<br />
be sugar-coated. In Northern exile Afrikans could suddenly<br />
get not only "democracy" but "integration" into<br />
middle-wage jobs in industrial production.<br />
The New Deal's willingness to "integrate" imperialist<br />
industry was a 180"-degree turn-about from<br />
previously existing policy, and was also a tardy recognition<br />
that the unprecedented demands of waging a global war required<br />
the recruitment of colonial labor on a vast scale.<br />
These jobs were no "gift" from White Amerika, but a<br />
necessity forced upon it both by threat of revolt and by the<br />
urgent needs of world conquest.<br />
The transformation was dramatic. Robert C. Weaver,<br />
one of Roosevelt's "Black Cabinet," wrote that the<br />
various rules that kept Afrikans out of industry were<br />
changed because: "..after Pearl Harbor they were too<br />
costly - too costly for a nation at war to afford. " (65) He<br />
noted further:<br />
"This occupational pattern was slowly changing<br />
by 1942. While the majority of new colored workers were<br />
entering unskilled and janitorial jobs, other Negroes were<br />
slowly finding jobs as welders, as riveters, and on other<br />
production operations ... Negroes replaced white workers<br />
who formerly were employed as cooks, waiters, garage attendants<br />
... and who now entered defense work." (66)<br />
Between 1942 and 1944 the percentage of industrial<br />
labor that was Afrikan tripled from 2.5% to 8%.<br />
By 1944 the numbers of Afrikan skilled craftsmen had suddenly<br />
doubled, as had the numbers of Afrikans in Federal<br />
civil service jobs. By 1945 the numbers of Afrikans in the<br />
AFL and CIO unions had gone up some 600070, to 1.25<br />
million. As Afrikan families left sharecropping and day<br />
labor in the rural South and were forced up North, their incomes<br />
rose. Even the lowliest factory job in Detroit or<br />
Chicago paid better than the rural plantation. The real<br />
average incomes of Afrikan workers rose by 73% during<br />
1939-1947, the largest gain in Afrikan income since the end<br />
of slavery. (67)<br />
This was the material basis in mass life for neocolonial<br />
"Americanization." This sudden windfall of<br />
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