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3. To Disrupt the Nation: Population<br />

Regroupment<br />

It was only against the rise of the Afrikan Nation<br />

that we could see, in brilliant detail, how the U.S. Empire<br />

wove together the net of counter-insurgency. We know<br />

that a period that began around World War I and which<br />

continued through the 1930s, a period in which Afrikan<br />

nationalism militantly took hold of the masses, ended in<br />

the 1940s with the triumph of pro-imperialist integrationism<br />

as the dominant political philosophy in the<br />

Afrikan communities. U.S. counter-insurgency was the<br />

hidden factor in this paradoxical outcome.<br />

In the Philippine War of 1898-1901 the U.S. Empire<br />

openly spoke of its counter-insurgency strategy. The<br />

same was true in Vietnam in the 1960s. But in the Afrikan<br />

colony of the 1930's U.S. counter-insurgency was concealed.<br />

It was none the less real, none the less genocidal for<br />

having -been done without public announcements. It is<br />

when we view what happened in this light, as components<br />

of a strategy of counter-insurgency, that the political<br />

events suddenly come into full focus.<br />

Usually counter-insurgency involves three principal<br />

components: 1. Violent suppression or extermination<br />

of the revolutionary cadre and organizations; 2. Paralyzing<br />

the mass struggle itself through genocidal population<br />

regroupment; 3. Substituting pro-imperialist bourgeois<br />

leadership and institutions for patriotic leadership and institutions<br />

within the colonial society. The terroristic suppression<br />

of Afrikan militants in the South has been<br />

discussed, and in any case should be well understood.<br />

What has been less discussed are the other two parts.<br />

POPULATION REGROUPMENT<br />

In Mao Zedong's famous analogy, the guerrillas in<br />

People's War are "fish" while the masses are the "sea"<br />

that both sustains and conceals them. Population regroupment<br />

(in the C.I.A.'s terminology) strategy seeks to dry up<br />

that "sea" by literally uprooting the masses and disrupting<br />

the whole social fabric of the oppressed nation. In Vietnam<br />

the strategy resulted in the widespread chemical poisoning<br />

of crops and forest land, the depopulation of key areas,<br />

and the involuntary movement of one-third of the total<br />

South Vietnamese population off their lands to "protected<br />

hamlets" and "refugee centers" (i.e. the C.I.A.'s reservations<br />

for Vietnamese). These blows only show how great<br />

an effort, what magnitude of resources, is expended on imperialist<br />

counter-insurgency .<br />

In response to growing political unrest, the U.S.<br />

Empire moved inexorably to drive Afrikans off the land,<br />

out of industry, and force them into exile. The New Deal<br />

of President Franklin Roosevelt, the major banks and corporations,<br />

and the main Euro-Amerikan political and<br />

social organizations (unions, political parties, etc.) worked<br />

together to destroy the economic base of the Afrikan Nation,<br />

to separate Afrikans from their lands, and to thus<br />

destabilize and gradually depopulate the Afrikan communities<br />

in and adjacent to the National Territory. One<br />

history of U.S. welfare programs notes:<br />

"...many New Deal programs ran roughshod over<br />

the most destitute. Federal agricultural policy, for example,<br />

was designed to raise farm prices by taking land out of<br />

cultivation, an action that also took many tenant farmers<br />

and sharecroppers out of the economy. The National<br />

Recovery Administration, seeking to placate organized<br />

employers and organized labor, permitted racial differentials<br />

in wages to be maintained. The Tennessee Valley<br />

Authority deferred to local prejudice by not hiring Blacks.<br />

All this was done not unknowingly, but rather out of concern<br />

for building a broad base for the new programs. It<br />

was left to FERA (Federal Emergency Relief Act) to succor<br />

the casualties of the New Deal's pragmatic policies. Since<br />

Blacks got little from (or were actually harmed by) most<br />

programs, 30 per cent of the Black population ended up on<br />

the direct relief rolls by January 1935."(30)<br />

Just as the 30% of the South Vietnamese people<br />

were forcibly made dependent upon direct U.S. handouts<br />

in the 1960s in order just to eat, so 30% of thc Afrikan<br />

people in the U.S. were similarly reduced by 1935. But not<br />

for long. That was only the first stage. In the second, relief<br />

was turned over to the local planter governments, who proceeded<br />

to force Afrikans off the relief rolls to drive them<br />

out of the region. That history of U.S. welfare continues:<br />

"Under pressure from Southern congressmen, any<br />

wording that might have been interpreted as constraining<br />

the states from racial discrimination in welfare was deleted<br />

from the Social Security Act of 1935. The Southern states<br />

then proceeded to use the free hand they had been given to<br />

keep Blacks off the rolls." (31)<br />

It is important to see that Afrikans were not just<br />

the victims of discrimination and blind economic circumstances<br />

("last hired, first fired," etc.). Africans were<br />

the targets of imperialist New Deal policy. We must<br />

remember that the archaic, parasitic Euro-Amerikan<br />

planter capitalists were on the verge of final bankruptcy<br />

and literal dissolution in the early years of the Depression.<br />

Furthei, despite the 1929 Depression there was in fact<br />

relatively little agricultureal unemployment among<br />

Afrikans in the rich Mississippi River cotton land of the<br />

Delta (the Kush) until the winter of 1933-34. (32) Then<br />

these two facts were suddenly reversed.<br />

The New Deal's 1934 Agricultural Adjustment Act<br />

109 rescued the ruined planter capitalists, giving them cash

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