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strategy to its limits, the U.S. Empire now needed to switch<br />

strategies in order to keep exploiting the rest of the reservation<br />

lands. Now Washington would pose as the protector<br />

of Indian culture in order to change Indians into<br />

"something else." Officially, Indian culture would<br />

become another respected "ethnic" remnant, like St.<br />

Patrick's Day parades, that would add "color" to settler<br />

society. But instead of Indian sovereignty, culture,<br />

economy and national development, "tribal government''<br />

was local government according to the rules of capitalist<br />

culture. It was a partial reorganization of reservation life<br />

to capitalism.<br />

The 1934 Wheeler-Howard Act repealed the 1887<br />

Allotment Act, authorized elections to pass new "tribal<br />

constitutions" to set up the new neo-colonial reservation<br />

governments, established a $10 million loan fund to support<br />

the new governments, and officially gave Indians<br />

preference for employment with the U.S. Indian Service.<br />

The campaign to twist Indian arms to accept this<br />

new arrangement was very heavy. U.S. Commissioner Collier<br />

himself admitted that while the government had the<br />

power to force the reservations to accept these bourgeois<br />

governments, for the strategy to work at least some<br />

number of Indians had to be persuaded to voluntarily take<br />

it in. Large numbers of Indians were hired to work in the<br />

Indian Service - their numbers reaching 40% of the total<br />

employees by 1935. 19,000 Indians were hired to work in<br />

various Federal programs, while an additional 14,000<br />

worked in the Civilian Conservation Corps relief camps.<br />

Close to 20% of aN adult Indians were temporarily<br />

employed by the Federal Government.<br />

The distrust and resistance were considerable. The<br />

N. Y. Times commented: "This difficulty has been<br />

recognized by the creation by the Indian Office of an<br />

organizational unit of field agents and special men who<br />

will cooperate with tribal councils, business committees<br />

and special tribal commissions in framing the constitutions<br />

now permitted." Still, some 54 reservations, with 85,000<br />

Indians, voted against the new "tribal governments."<br />

History has proved that the main economic function<br />

of the neo-colonial reservation governments has been<br />

to lease away (usually at bargain prices) the mineral, grazing<br />

and water rights to the settlers. Great amounts of<br />

natural resources are involved. A very conservative Euro-<br />

Amerikan estimate said:<br />

to end their subsistence farming and move off their land<br />

and into government-built housing projects - and then<br />

lease their "useless" land to the settler businessmen. Those<br />

Euro-Amerikan ranchers pay an average of $3 per acre<br />

each year to possess Indian land (far cheaper than buying<br />

it). While the Sioux who insist on staying on their land are<br />

deliberately denied water, electricity, seed and livestock, so<br />

as to pressure them into leaving their land (the Euro-<br />

Amerikan ranchers who use Indian land receive constant<br />

government aid and subsidies). Control of the land and its<br />

resources still remains a steady preoccupation to the settler<br />

Empire.<br />

Even most of the food production of the Indian<br />

Nations is taken by settlers. In 1968 the Bureau of Indian<br />

Affairs said that the reservations produced then $170<br />

million annually in agriculture, hunting and fishing. Of<br />

this total the B.I.A. estimated that Indians only consumed<br />

$20 million worth, while receiving another $16 million in<br />

rent. 75% of the total reservation food production was<br />

owned by settlers. (5)<br />

U.S. imperialism literally created bourgeois Indian<br />

governments on the reservations to give it what it wanted<br />

and to disrupt from within the national culture. These are<br />

governments led by the Dick Wilsons and Peter Mac-<br />

Donalds, of elements whose capitalistic ideology and income<br />

was tied to collaboration with the larger capitalist<br />

world. It is also tclling that those professional 11idia11><br />

whose well-being is dependent upon foundation grants and<br />

government programs (such as Vine Deloria, Jr., author of<br />

the best-selling book, Custer Died For Your Sins) praise<br />

the Collier reorganization of the '30s as the best thing that<br />

even happened to them.<br />

When Native Amerikans overcome the neocolonial<br />

rule and assert their sovereignty against U.S. imperialism<br />

(as A.I.M. has) then the fixed ballot hnx is reinforced<br />

by assassination, frame-ups and even massive<br />

military repression. The U.S. military moved in 1972 to<br />

prop up the neo-colonial Dick Wilson regime at Pine<br />

Ridge, just as in Zaire the neo-colonial Mobutu regime had<br />

to be rescued in both 1977 and 1978 by airborne French<br />

Foreign Legionnaires and Belgian paratroopers.<br />

"Indian lands are estimated to contain up to 13<br />

per cent of the nation's coal reserves, 3 per cent of its oil<br />

and gas, and significant amounts of other minerals including<br />

uranium and phosphate."<br />

Instead of the old practice of individual sale of<br />

small plots of land - which could be blocked by an Indian's<br />

refusal to sell - the new, capitalistic "tribal governments"<br />

signed wholesale mineral rights leases with major<br />

corporations. The Navaho "tribal government," led by<br />

the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, signed leases as late as<br />

the 1960s that gave away Navaho coal for a mere 2% of its<br />

market value. So the impact of the 1930s "selfgovernment"<br />

reforms was to step up the economic exploitation<br />

of Indian nations.<br />

At Pine Ridge the Sioux families were encouraged

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