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Awra Amba RJ 300612 EN - Contacter un comité local d'Attac

Awra Amba RJ 300612 EN - Contacter un comité local d'Attac

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Women <br />

(%) <br />

Adults <br />

Men (%) <br />

Women / <br />

men <br />

Children <br />

(%) <br />

Sample (person number) 80 80 80 <br />

4. Social organisation<br />

Children <br />

/ <br />

adults <br />

Land cleaning 99 100 0.99 21 0.21 <br />

Ploughing 15 100 0.15 0 0 <br />

Sowing 99 98 1.01 0 0 <br />

Weeding 99 100 0.99 9 0.09 <br />

Harvesting 94 99 0.95 11 0.12 <br />

Transporting the harvest 94 99 0.95 0 0 <br />

Threshing 51 98 0.53 6 0.08 <br />

Storing 94 98 0.96 4 0.04 <br />

Non weighted average 80 99 0.82 6 0.07 <br />

Table 6:<br />

Participation rate in % to different agricultural activities according to sex and age acc.<br />

to data by Atnafu (2005/77). Colours show the most inegalitarian cases.<br />

These results are apparently answers to a questionnaire and not co<strong>un</strong>ts of the tasks done really by<br />

men and women. A limited co<strong>un</strong>t we have done in 2010 (Jo10b/4) showed that:<br />

- For the traditionally female tasks, out of 51 people carrying water from the spring (and<br />

therefore carrying about fifteen kilograms), 35 were still women (2.2 times more than men),<br />

that out of ten spinners in the cooperative, eight were women (4 times more than men), and<br />

out of fourteen spinners during the development day on the village square, twelve were<br />

women (6 times more than men);<br />

- For the traditionally male trades, out of eleven weavers in the cooperative, eight were men<br />

(2.7 times more than women), and the five ploughmen we saw were all men.<br />

These figures measured on very small samples and therefore few representative show a greater<br />

difference in the tasks per sex than the difference measured by declarative survey by Atnafu.<br />

Furthermore, 4 % of the male heads of house hold have no access to media (radios, newspapers), but<br />

14 % of the female ones according to Ya08/93: we could have here a slight inequality between the<br />

sexes, but this conclusion must be put into perspective because of the small sample and the non<br />

taking into acco<strong>un</strong>t of other possibly explanatory factors.<br />

Gender equality in the various tasks seems therefore not fully reached, but we also have to consider<br />

that the tasks are also attributed according to capacity: spinning is an easy task, ploughing is<br />

physically very difficult, some tasks more dangerous for women. In comparison with the allocation<br />

of the tasks according to the sex in the Amhara society, a large part of the objectives seems to be<br />

reached, which is considerable.<br />

We can therefore say there is equality in couple as producers, as consumers, as responsible of tasks<br />

and works and as responsible of the family, although Mekonnen (2009/45) considers it is without<br />

doubt exaggerated.<br />

Symbolically, as long as the father lives, he is considered as the head of the family. This is due<br />

partially to the automatic acknowledgement by the neighbours and related people external to <strong>Awra</strong><br />

<strong>Amba</strong> of the father as the head of the house hold (At05/39-40). But the head of the house hold does<br />

not play really the role of a head... Father's name is the middle or parent name of children (Yi07/60).<br />

51 / 85

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