Vol. XXXVIII / 1 - Studia Moralia
Vol. XXXVIII / 1 - Studia Moralia Vol. XXXVIII / 1 - Studia Moralia
242 STEPHEN T. REHRAUER concrete behavior in imaginary or real-life situations. Even people who firmly believe that injustice involves causing harm to the innocent and that it is morally wrong to do so, at times justify their doing so, while those who also firmly believe that justice requires helping those in need, justify their failure to do so. If we bear in mind that thinking can guide behavior, but that there is no guarantee that it will do so, and that behavior also reveals thinking even when what it reveals may be different from the actual explanation given by the person who acts, the apparent conflict between the two sets of data might be properly interpreted to be the result of a conflict of justice issues. In the good Samaritan experiment, it appears that the importance of arriving on time and not keeping others waiting took precedence over the obligation to help; in the Milgram experiment, either the importance of obedience to authority, fulfilling one’s contractual obligations, or not wanting to disappoint the authority figure, took precedence in moral thinking over the moral obligation not to cause pain to an innocent. “Findings of inconsistencies may, instead, reflect the individual’s efforts at coordinating the different types of judgments relevant to a given behavioral situation. That is, assessments need to be made of nonmoral social judgments and their coordination with moral judgments.” 32 Rather than substantiating the lack of influence of thoughts about justice and injustice on actual moral behavior, when taken together, all of the data both positive and negative, tend to indicate that the determinant factor in moral behavior has to do with how one orders the many different forms of conceiving of justice and injustice with respect to each particular action situation. Criteria for Distinguishing the unjust from the just Whereas Lebacqz centers her reflection concerning injustice primarily upon the realities of oppression and exploitation as 32 E. TURIEL and J. SMETANA, “Social Knowledge and Action: The Coordination of Domains,” in W. Kurtines and J. GEWIRTZ, eds., Morality, Moral Behavior, and Moral Development (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1984), pp. 266-267.
THE INJUSTICE OF JUSTICE AND THE JUSTICE OF INJUSTICE 243 these are experienced and recognized in a variety of forms, 33 Feinberg divides the reality of injustice according to 3 separate categories: those actions which are exploitative of other persons; those which discriminate injudiciously, and those which defame or damage the reputation or good name of others. 34 Psychological research on the other hand, focusing as it does on how people actually do use the concepts of injustice in making decisions and acting upon them in either real life or imaginary situations, reveals again a two-fold quality of justice concepts which entails either the violation of universal and impersonal principles governing equity or equality concerns, or violations of categories and concepts which are properly anthropological in nature, revealing underlying beliefs about what it means to be human. 35 For the most part however, experimentation has been confined to issues relating primarily to the domain of distributive judgment. Equity theory 36 advanced the proposition that people judge questions of injustice according to the contributions rule that “… justice judgments reflect the relative ratio of one’s contributions (or inputs) to one’s receipts (or outputs). Justice is achieved 33 KAREN LABACQZ, Justice in an Unjust World, pp. 11-17;155. 34 J. FEINBERG, Rights, Justice and the Bounds of Liberty, pp 265-266. 35 L. FURBY, “Psychology and Justice,” pp. 179-180. 36 For further information concerning equity theory, see J. ADAMS, “Inequity in Social Exchange,” in L. BERKOWITZ, ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 2 (New York: Academic Press, 1965), pp. 267-299; W. AUSTIN and E. HATFIELD, “Equity Theory, Power and Social Justice,” in G. MIKULA, ed., Justice and Social Interaction: Experimental and Theoretical Contributions from Psychological Research (New York: Springer- Verlag, 1980), pp. 25-61; L. BERKOWITZ and E. WALSTER, eds., Equity Theory: Towards a General Theory of Social Interaction. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 9 (New York: Academic Press, 1976); P. BRICKMAN, “Preference for Inequality,” Sociometry 40 (1977), pp. 303-310; M. DEUTSCH, “Equity, Equality and Need: What Determines which Value Will be Used as the Basis of Distributive Justice?” Journal of Social Issues 31 (1975), pp. 137- 149; J. GREENBERG and R. COHEN, Equity and Justice in Social Behavior (New York: Academic Press, 1982); H. TAJFEL, “Psychological Conceptions of Equity: The Present and the Future,” in P. FRAISSE, ed., Psychologie de Demain (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1982); E. WALSTER, G. WALSTER and E. BERSCHEID, Equity: Theory and Research (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1978).
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242 STEPHEN T. REHRAUER<br />
concrete behavior in imaginary or real-life situations. Even<br />
people who firmly believe that injustice involves causing harm<br />
to the innocent and that it is morally wrong to do so, at times<br />
justify their doing so, while those who also firmly believe that<br />
justice requires helping those in need, justify their failure to do<br />
so. If we bear in mind that thinking can guide behavior, but that<br />
there is no guarantee that it will do so, and that behavior also<br />
reveals thinking even when what it reveals may be different from<br />
the actual explanation given by the person who acts, the<br />
apparent conflict between the two sets of data might be properly<br />
interpreted to be the result of a conflict of justice issues. In the<br />
good Samaritan experiment, it appears that the importance of<br />
arriving on time and not keeping others waiting took precedence<br />
over the obligation to help; in the Milgram experiment, either<br />
the importance of obedience to authority, fulfilling one’s<br />
contractual obligations, or not wanting to disappoint the<br />
authority figure, took precedence in moral thinking over the<br />
moral obligation not to cause pain to an innocent. “Findings of<br />
inconsistencies may, instead, reflect the individual’s efforts at<br />
coordinating the different types of judgments relevant to a given<br />
behavioral situation. That is, assessments need to be made of<br />
nonmoral social judgments and their coordination with moral<br />
judgments.” 32 Rather than substantiating the lack of influence of<br />
thoughts about justice and injustice on actual moral behavior,<br />
when taken together, all of the data both positive and negative,<br />
tend to indicate that the determinant factor in moral behavior<br />
has to do with how one orders the many different forms of<br />
conceiving of justice and injustice with respect to each<br />
particular action situation.<br />
Criteria for Distinguishing the unjust from the just<br />
Whereas Lebacqz centers her reflection concerning injustice<br />
primarily upon the realities of oppression and exploitation as<br />
32<br />
E. TURIEL and J. SMETANA, “Social Knowledge and Action: The<br />
Coordination of Domains,” in W. Kurtines and J. GEWIRTZ, eds., Morality,<br />
Moral Behavior, and Moral Development (New York: John Wiley & Sons,<br />
1984), pp. 266-267.