“The Future of the North Caucasus” - The Jamestown Foundation

CONFERENCE TRANSCRIPT
“The Future of the North Caucasus”
Panel IV:
“Developments in the Western Caucasus”
3:00 PM – 5:00 PM
Thursday, September 14 th , 2006
Speakers:
Andrei Smirnov, North Caucasus Correspondent, Jamestown Foundation
“Adygea’s Spiraling Path to Instability”
Fatimat Tlisova, North Caucasus Correspondent, Regnum News Agency
“The Ethno-Political Situation in Karachai-Cherkessk”
Sergei Aminovich Tokhtabiev,
Human Rights Researcher
“The Human Rights Situation in Kabardino-Balkaria”
Moderated by Glen E. Howard, President, Jamestown Foundation
Transcript by:
Federal News Service
Washington, D.C.

GLEN HOWARD: Okay. We’re about to begin the last panel and I very much appreciate
everyone’s staying till the end here and apologize for going over, but this is perhaps one of the
most important panels, I think, in my opinion. That’s mine. This panel’s particularly important
because several panelists have traveled a long way to get here, and so the title of this panel – it
says we’re going to have Paul – is Paul Goble still here, or did Paul leave?
MR.
: No – (inaudible).
MR. HOWARD: Oh, okay. There you are. Cool. (Cross talk.) I’ll tell you what, Paul, why
not at the end – you come up at the end and then give your comments. Okay. We’re going to
have Paul do – Paul will be a commentator at the end. Okay. Is everybody – okay.
The title of this panel is “Developments in the Western Caucasus.” We have three distinguished
panelists here. The first one of our speakers is going to be Andrei Smirnov. He will give you an
overview of Adygea and where Adygea is going. He, having traveled there recently, has a lot of
fresh insights and so – and then, he will be followed by our next speaker, who is Fatimat Tlisova,
who is North Caucasus correspondent for Regnum news agency. She’ll talk about that, the
political situation in Karachay-Cherkessia, and I hope you did get a copy of her paper. There
were some copies available in Russian.
Our last and final speaker would be Sergei Aminovich Tokhtabiev, and he’s a human rights
researcher from Kabardino-Balkaria and lives in Nalchik. He will be talking about the situation
covered Kabardino-Balkaria, and so Ivan Sventsistsky is going to give his discussion. Ivan is a
correspondent and works for Jamestown Foundation. He’s a writer for the Eurasia Daily
Monitor, and so Ivan, please tell us about what’s going on in Adygea.
ANDREI SMIRNOV: Thank you. Adygea is a small autonomous republic about 3,000 square
miles in the western part of the North Caucasus. It is totally surrounded by the territory of
Krasnodar Krai, a region dominated by Russian Cossacks. The indigenous population is Adyghe
minority, better known in the world as Circassians. This word has a Mongol origin. That is how
the Mongols from the Crimean Army called Adyghes. Adyghes or Circassians also live in two
other Russia autonomies in the North Caucasus, including Karachai-Cherkessia and Kabardino-
Balkaria. Abkhaz – residents of Abkhazia, are also part of the Adyghe-Cherkessia ethnic group
and they speak the language that is very similar to the Adyghe one.
In addition, there are several million Adyghes who are spread around the world in the Middle
East, Europe and the United States. Just 150 years ago, more than one million of the Circassians
lived in a large territory along the Black Sea coast and in the mountains of the western North
Caucasus. Starting from 1763, the Russian government tried to conquer the Circassians, but it
succeeded only after the surrender of Imam Shamil and the end of the war in the eastern North
Caucasus. The Russian military command sent all its forces to Circassia to solve the Circassian
problem once and for all. However, the Circassians were determined to continue their struggle.
Having access to the Black Sea, the Circassians could trade with Turkey. They got salt and
weapons, rifles and gunpowder in exchange for slaves, wheat, and other agricultural products.

The Russian navy was unable to set up a significant blockade of the Black Sea coast to prevent a
delivery of weapons to the Adygea army. Early in the 1860s, the Russian army started to move
slowly from the coast deep into the Circassian territory. By 1864, despite many casualties,
Cossacks and regular army units surrounded the Circassian in the mountains. By 1864,
Circassian was surrounded in the mountains, their villages were burned and their residents sent
to the coast and to be then deported to Turkey.
On May 21, 1864, the Russian army took control of the last remote area of Circassia, the Kbadda
– (unintelligible). It is currently a part of the great Sochi named Krasnaya Polyana, a summer
residence of the Russian president. It is considered today – this date, May 21 is considered today
as the official date of the end of the Caucasian war. That date is special liturgy in the honor of
the Russian weapon was held in the church (?). Then a large-scale Circassian deportation was
initiated by the Russian government. Almost all the Circassians were finally deported to Turkey
and no more than 10 percent of the Adyghe population remained in the motherland. They were
forced to move from the mountains to the valley, to the area that is now is the Northern Adygea
and a part of Krasnodar Krai.
After the communist coupe in Russia and the civil war that followed it, Adygea has launched a
national movement aiming at creating an autonomy with a newly formed Soviet state. The
Bolsheviks regarded the Cossacks at that time as one of their greatest enemies to their power in
Russia, though really – and grant the autonomy to one of the most oppressed minority of the
Russian empire. The Adygea autonomy – Adygea Autonomous Province within Krasnodar Krai
was proclaimed on July 27, 1922, and Khanchuria Khakurata (ph), an Adygea national leader,
who also headed the Adygea branch of the Soviet Communist Party, became the first leader of
the autonomy.
During early years of its autonomy, Adygea lacked its own capital and their administration was
located in the city of Krasnodar, the capital of Krasnodar Krai. It should be noted that at that
time, the Adyghes were the only majority in the autonomy and there were only Adygea villages
in the region and no towns. At the same time, a part of a dozen settlements of Shapsug, an
Adyghe tribe, had been – had not been included into Adygea Autonomous Province, but they
were incorporated into Krasnodar Krai as a Shapsug National District. In the 1930s, when the
Soviet authorities started slowly to return to the old Russification policy of Russia under the
tsars, it was decided to mix Adyghes with ethnic Russians. It was made under pretext of
providing the region with its own capital. First to upset a port in the Black Sea was proposed as
a possible capital, but it was rejected due to a permanent Russian fear of granting for Adyghes to
access to sea – (unintelligible) – port on the Black Sea coast.
Finally, the town of Maikop, a former fortress and the main military base of the Russian army
during the war with the Circassians was incorporated into the Adygea autonomy and became its
capital. The incorporation of (purely ?) Russian city initiated a process that eventually resulted
in the current domination of the ethnic Russians over indigenous Adyghes in Adygea. Today,
there are 64 percent of Russians in Adygea versus 24 percent of the Adyghes. The total
population of Adygea is 450,000 men.

Gaginsky District also dominated by ethnic Russians was also incorporated into Adygea and
after the World War II (cell ?) factories were built in Maikop and other parts of the autonomy,
which brought much more people into the region from Russia and Ukraine. In 1962, Maikopsky
District completed the process that resulted in double domination of ethnic Russians over
Adyghes. It also needs to know that many pensioners from Russian Arctic regions as well as
retired Soviet military men have settled in Adygea in recent – in the last few years, and it’s also –
and now it plays a significant role in the current political life of Adygea.
The Russification of Adygea in the Soviet time was designed to eliminate it in the future and the
first step of this post was the elimination of the Shapsug National District in 1945 under the
pretext of its economic failure. Shapsug villages were incorporated into districts with more than
twice greater number of Cossack settlements over Shapsug ones, and it is very easy to see now
that the Russian authorities tried to use the same excuse – economic bankruptcy – and the same
tactic to eliminate the Adygea autonomy.
However, even in the time of the Soviet totalitarianism, the Adyghes tried to stand their right to
have their own autonomy. In the ‘70s, Adygea Communist Party bosses tried to persuade the
Kremlin to sanction direct financing of Adygea from Moscow and not through Krasnodar Krai.
In 1981, the Adyghes got such permission.
Despite the fact that ethnic Russians were already majority in the Republic, the Adyghe
community was better organized than the Russian one and the Adyghes continued to control key
economic and political positions in the Republic. In 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union,
at the time of the rise of national movements all over the Russian Federation, Adygea’s
sovereign republic within Russia was proclaimed instead of the Adygea Autonomous Province.
Adygea was separated from Krasnodar Krai. It was the beginning of the new era in the history
of the Adygea nation. They could try to develop their national identity, new institutes to research
Adygea history and Adygea National Museum was established. Members of the Circassian-
Adyghe diaspora had an opportunity to visit Adygea and even settle there.
Immediately after the declaration of the Adygea sovereignty, the new Republic faced a strong
standoff with the authorities of Krasnodar Krai. Parts of the two main roads that around from
Krasnodar, the capital of Krasnodar Krai, to the Black Sea coast, ports and tourist places – these
roads are the core of the Russian economy, and parts of it crossed the Adygea territory, and this
fact led to first serious conflict between Adygea and Krasnodar Krai. The Adygea government
wanted a share of the profit that generated – that these roads generated for Krasnodar and this
demand enraged the Krasnodar authorities. However, the conflict didn’t last for long time due to
good relations between Nikolai Kondratenko, the governor of Krasnodar Krai at that time, and
Aslan Dzharimov, the first president of Adygea.
It should be noted that in the ‘90s, the Russian authorities were on the side of Adygea. On May
21, 1994, the first Russian president, Boris Yeltsin, marked the 130 th anniversary of the end of
the Caucasian War by special statement that admitted the struggle of mountain people for their
freedom was just. The situation started to change in 2001 when the Russian president, Vladimir
Putin issued a decree where he ordered to remove all regional laws that contradicted the federal
legislation. A total of about 90 laws, articles and points of the Adygea constitutions were

emoved. The Adygea’s prosecutor’s office that – which subordinated directly to Moscow,
demanded the removal of the Adygea law on referendum.
According to the old Adygea law on referendum, it was forbidden to have a plebiscite on a
change in the republic’s status. This removal of this law was the first step towards the
elimination of the Adygea autonomy. Since ethnic Russians have a majority in the region, the
result – Russians have a majority, so in case if such referendum Adygea status conducts the
result is easy to predict since ethnic Russians have a majority in the region, and this was the first
step. And another step was made late 2004 when the Russian and Krasnodar Krai – Krasnodar
authorities initiated the first offensive against the Adygea autonomy.
The statement of Tkachov was – drew strong protest – on December 29, 2004, Alexander
Tkachov, the governor of Krasnodar Krai, told in press conference that it would be – that it
would be economically feasible to unify Adygea and Krasnodar Krai. Such statement aroused
the whole Adyghe society and immediately united Adyghes against the exterior threat. The
statement of Tkachov both drew strong protest from the Circassian Congress and Adygea Khase,
organizations with deep roots in Adygea. Circassian Congress Chairman Murat Berzegov
declared that his group would appeal to the large Circassian communities in Turkey, Jordan, and
in the Middle East. Nevertheless, the press on Adygea continued.
On January, 2005, Anatoli Odeychuk, who used to be before only the federal inspector for
Krasnodar Krai, was also appointed as the inspector of Adygea. When the republic was added to
his jurisdiction, he started sharply criticize the situation of the republic calling Adygea an ethnic
republic where only force, cruelty, and strong authority are respected. This open attempt to unify
Adygea and Krasnodar Krai failed due to a firm resistance from the Adyghes. The Kremlin had
to pull back. The Krasnodar governor stopped to talk about the possible unification and after
some time, Odechuk was dismissed from his post. However, the struggle continues.
Moscow turned from open, radical statements to secret consultations. The idea was to persuade
the Adygea governing elite especially the republican president, Hazret Sovmen, to agree with the
elimination of their autonomy. At the same time, the unification problem made the Circassian
Congress and organizations that nobody heard about before a very influential body of the
Adyghe community. With (rising stress ?) and popularity of the congress in Adygea was
possible because of the full support from the republican authorities, who were interested in its
activity. The congress not only mobilized the Circassian diaspora during the December
2004/January 2005 crisis, but unlike of any official buddies of Adygea, it was able to appeal to
the international community.
On March, 2005, while Dmitry Kozak, the Russian president to the Southern Federal District
called regular to Sovmen trying to force him to give up the republic, the Circassian congress sent
a special letter to the Council of Europe with a request to recognize the genocide of Adyghes,
Circassians by the Russian Empire in the 19 th Century doing the Caucasian War. The Council
responded by an official letter that says that it will examine the issue. This step of the Adyghes
frightened the Kremlin. Last spring, Tkachov visited Adygea, where he declared that the issue of
the unification of the two regions is not under discussion. Nevertheless, Kozak continue to make
call to Sovmen and then was rhetoric became more and more aggressive.

Finally, on April 4 th , the Adygea president issued a demarche by announcing his resignation.
However, his dramatic move was a bluff. This declaration inspired massive rallies to support the
Adygea president. Sovmen has demonstrated his force to the Kremlin and the Russian
authorities had to retreat again. Moscow likely decided against taking any radical steps towards
Sovmen, fearing not so much the Adygea president as the Circassian congress. During the
protest rallies in Maikop, the capital of Adygea, leaders of the Circassian congress had promised
to organize a second Nalchik in the republic if Sovmen resigned and the region united with
Krasnodar Krai. An attempt was made to Kozak to start negotiations with Adygea republic
organizations to discuss possible Sovmen successor – the term of Sovmen is to expire next
February – and such attempts, of course, also failed. Everybody refused to discuss a possible
Sovmen successor when he is still in power.
The only force inside Adygea the Kremlin can rely on his struggle to eliminate the Republic is
radical right-wing organization, The Union of Slavs of Adygea. The main aim of the union is the
same as the aim of the Russian authorities: to incorporate Adygea into the Krasnodar Krai.
Union has supported (a fascist ?) who came to the republic from the north or retired military and
some Russian radical youth groups.
At the political level, the union has the support of the Party of Manufacturers and Entrepreneurs
and of Nikolai Pivovarov, the mayor of Maikop. However, this support is still not enough to
change the situation. Despite some progress in the last parliament elections, the Party of
Manufacturers and Entrepreneurs and other supporters of the unification idea, like Communist
Party, got only 33 percent in the local parliament, and Natalia Konovalova is – was the only
leader of the Slavs Union who managed to get into the parliament.
And the main tactic of the PME, the Party of Manufacturers and Entrepreneurs, and the
Communist Party, or I mean, those who support the idea of unification – their main tactic is to
adopt a new law on referendum that allows to hold a plebiscite on the Republic’s status, but the
problem – but their problem is not only that they lack the majority in the parliament to adopt this
law, but also the problem is that their supporters of the unification – in Adygea, the supporters of
the unification are not so active and well organized like Adyghes, who have strong organizations
like the Circassian congress and the Adygea Khase. However, the unification supporters have a
strong support from the Kremlin. A sort of economic blockade was established around the
republic this year to provoke mass protest of Russians who live in Adygea and to make Sovmen
more compliant.
According to Regnum News Agency, Adygea didn’t receive from Moscow any of the 400
million rubles that were supposed to be invested into the republic in agriculture this year as part
of the national projects program. In addition to funding problems, Adygea factories like
makeup, beer brewery or Gaginsk sugar factory are hard put now to sell their products out of
Adygea to the Krasnodar Krai. At the same time, all attempts of the Circassian-Adyghe diaspora
to invest in Adygea faced firm resistance of the Russian authorities. On May 30 th , border guards
in the Krasnodar airport stopped and sent back to Turkey a famous Turkish businessman of the
Adyghe origin, Muzaffar Avdzhi Odzyiba (ph). The businessman wanted to visit Adygea to
discuss the possibility of future investments in the local economy.

The Kremlin believes that causing more trouble for the local economy will help to weaken
Sovmen’s influence in the region. It will also help to intensify the incorporation of the region
into the Krasnodar Krai since economic bankruptcy of Adygea is a favorite excuse given by the
Russian authorities for the unification. Moreover, the Kremlin is not interested at all in
investments from Adyghes who live abroad, especially in the Middle East. Economic problems
forced Sovmen to propose to the Kremlin to celebrate the controversial anniversary of joining
Adygea into Russia 450 years ago. This step of the Adygea authorities can disrupt a union
between the republican authorities and local national organizations like Circassian congress.
This is what Moscow aims at: to split the Adygea society, to provoke mass protest inside the
Russian community in the region, and to limit financial resources of Sovmen and his men. The
Kremlin believes that all these should lead to the appointment of the new Adygea leader who
will not oppose the idea to unite Adygea and Krasnodar Krai. It is quite possible that this
scenario can be realized somehow, but one should understand that in this case, there will be no
political opposition in Adygea, but only the militant one. Islamization process is going quite fast
in the Adyghe community and it will speed up in the case of a serious political crisis. In this
case, the Kremlin can face in Adygea a national and separatist militant underground movement
with a strong Islamic flavor.
Thank you.
MR. HOWARD: Thank you, Ivan.
Our next discussant here will be Fatimat Tlisova, who works with Regnum news agency where
she is a North Caucasus correspondent. She’s the editor-in-chief of the North Caucasus desk and
she’s also staff correspondent for various news agencies in the region. Her duties have carried
her – she’s traveled extensively across the North Caucuses from Adygea to Dagestan and she is a
native of the Karachai-Cherkessia Republic and currently lives in Nalchik.
Fatimat, please?
FATIMAT TLISOVA: (Through translator.) I will be speaking in Russian because my English
is somewhat weak. As the Karachai-Cherkessia Republic is located on the western slopes of the
Caucasian Range and its size is 150,000 square kilometers, in as far as Russia is concerned it
borders with the Stavropol Region with the Kabardino-Balkaria Region, with the Krasnodar
Region, and in the south it borders on Georgia and Abkhazia.
The republic is rich in resources, in gold, copper, silver, also lots of mineral waters. However, in
spite of these immense natural resources, the economics of the republic according to the
economic journal – expert Russian economic journal – has been going downward for quite some
time. The investment climate according to the magazine is very – it’s not – it’s unappealing and
especially risky. Consequently, because of the weak economy, the level of unemployment is
especially low and according to expert opinion it is the lowest in all the regions of the Russian
Federation. As to family income, the Republic is in the 85 th place among all the subjects of the
Federation.

After Dagestan, the Karachai-Cherkessia Republic has the most complex and complicated ethnic
composition. The majority belongs to the Russian: 40 percent of the population is Russian, then
come the Karachai, the Circassian, Abkhazia and – (unintelligible). Until recently, the monthly
income of the – individual monthly income was 413 rubles. As to the difference between the
income of the average population and those who hold power, the discrepancy has now reached
the largest amount and can be counted in multiples of 1,000 and proportionately to the difference
in lifestyles are gross dissatisfaction of the population with the governing bodies.
Dr. Irishiva (ph), who is a demographer, conducted research in the year 2005. It showed that 97
percent of those questioned felt uncomfortable – live in uncomfortable circumstances. The same
research shows that 73 percent of those questioned said that they were ready to demonstrate their
dissatisfaction by participating in meetings and demonstrations and 27 percent said that they
were ready to take arms. These results of research could be considered to be maybe not quite
accurate. However, reality and events seemed to prove their accuracy. Between the beginning
of 2004 and October, 2005, there were three cases when demonstrators seized the government
building.
During the second of these seizures, the demonstrators remained in possession of the White
House, so to say of the Republic, for four days and nights. Unfortunately, during this time no
leader capable of taking over and heading this actual revolution was found and so unfortunately
what happened then was that this spontaneous expression of the popular will was labeled by
Kremlin as a provocation organized by Western Special Forces. (Laughter.) This conflict
between the powers that be and the population have had an effect on all parts of the
governmental structure, especially the police.
In July of 2006, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic Nikolai Eshak (ph) decided to
conduct three meetings with the population to hear their complaints and their feelings. Although
these meetings were broadly publicized by the official media, out of 40,000 potential
participants, six showed up. (Laughter.) The predecessor of this Minister of Internal Affairs
Obukhov was fired at the beginning of that year. Before his departure, he said that the
widespread corruption and the family ties within the police force leave no hope whatsoever for
professional behavior on the part of the police forces.
It should be noted that since the creation of the Karachai-Cherkessia Republic, no natives have
ever been appointed as the heads of the internal order forces and the position of the minister of
interior was always occupied and still is occupied by Russians. There is another very significant
factor that illustrates the attitude of the population towards the police and that is constant and
frequent killings of policemen and members of Special Forces. Since the year 2000, 60
policemen were killed and since the beginning of 2005, 16 members of the FSB and other
Special Forces have also been shot.
It is interesting that supporters of these killings are found among the actual members of these
forces in spite of the fact that there are frequent internal cleansings that are being conducted. In
March 2006, one member of Special Forces was arrested and on the basis that it was – alleged
that his membership in the Wahhabist movement had been proven. It also was asserted that there

was prove that this particular individual – I’m sorry I didn’t get his name – but anyway, that he
had been trained in the camps of Khataba and that he was involved in the killing of a number of
FSB members. This became the first official leak, or a leak from official sources about the
participation of members of the police forces in these killings. After that, the facts began to be
suppressed again.
It should be noted that most of these attacks against members of the police force take place in
Karachai and the Karachai District, which is in the southern part of the Republic, which is
mainly populated by Karachais. This part is nearest to the border with Georgia, but in spite of
the large presence of Russian forces – border forces there, the situation is largely uncontrolled.
In July of this year, the defense minister of the Russian Republic, Sergei Ivanov, announced the
creation of two mountain brigades in the mountain regions of – one in Karachai-Cherkessia, the
other one is Dagestan.
At the press conference in Rostov, Ivanov said that there is talk about creating a border between
the Caspian Sea and the Black Sea, which actually stopped existing after the dissolution of the
Soviet Union. What was also announced was that the large Russian bases that were being
removed from Georgia would be located from now on in the Karachai-Cherkessia and also that
two light units – light military units would be created there.
These announcements were immediately protested against by the local population who
conducted a number of demonstrations to prevent the building of the military base. There were
also demonstrations of the inhabitants of the – (unintelligible) – who were protesting the plans to
build a tank-firing range and testing grounds near their village. The more strict control of the
border was Georgia. It is actually creating new stressful situations because it prevents the
transition into Ingushetia. The population of – citizens of Ingushetia are losing their access to
the Zarevsky (ph) district, which is very important to them because there is a tower and also a
burial ground there that are of high historic and cultural value to them, and this has led to
demonstrations because from now on they have to obtain special permits to cross the border and
visit these holy sites.
It also should be noted that the Karachai-Cherkessia Republic is different from other republics in
the Northern Caucasus because of their total – of it being totally cut off from information –
outside information. We – there are reports – consistent reports that there are cleansing
operations, tortures applied, and that because of that many young, able-bodied men have now
gone underground.
I was always interested in the process of becoming a boevik, a militant, a fighter. How does it
happen that a man who is a peaceful inhabitant of a region who from one day to another stopped
being such and finds himself in the woods with a gun in his hand? I will briefly tell you the story
of a 40-year-old doctor, a heart specialist.
Last winter, there were reports in all the Russian media that in Circassia, a group of terrorists had
been blockaded in an apartment house and that all of them were seized and destroyed. Actually,
in that apartment where the terrorists supposedly were, there was a couple – a 24-year-old, Timo
Gubanov (ph) and his 17-year-old wife, Diana. She was pregnant; she was eight months

pregnant, and when apparently, based on some kind of denunciation, the apartment was
surrounded, Timo tried to save his wife. He tried to help her get out of the apartment by holding
her by her hands and lowering her to the ground. While this was being – while she was trying to
lower herself to the ground, she was shot and killed and then Timo was killed while in the
window.
Afterwards, the official media reported that in ’92 Diana had been an instructor in one of the
militant’s camps and that she was preparing so-called shahid women, the Black Widows. What
nobody paid any attention to and nobody in the Russian media or Russia noticed that at that
particular year, in ’92, Diana was four years old, and it was after her death that her father, the
abovementioned 40-year-old heart specialist, the director of a medical clinic went into the
woods, as they say; in other words, became a fighter. Actually, presently the only real threat to
the power structure and to the police is the Karachai-Cherkessia jama’at.
Speaking plainly, according to whatever information that I can unofficially – that they get from
the field, so to say, jama’at is actually a functioning structure, although somewhat separated
within itself. It is an international structure and it is part of the Caucasian Front. In the woods of
Karachai-Cherkessia, there are still bases that have armaments and munitions for the mujahids.
Their number does not decrease and I would say actually the reverse is true; it is growing. And
actually their best sources – their best inspiration for them are the Russian power structures,
which continue to repress and persecute the local population. According to local jama’at, they
maintain contacts with all the other jama’ats in the Caucasus and coordinate their activities with
them.
MR. HOWARD: Okay. Thank you very much for that very insightful presentation, Fatimat.
It’s something very rarely heard here out in the West. Our next person on our panel will be
Sergei Tokhtabiev and you can get a copy of his papers. His paper is in English and it’s – the
title of his presentation: “Indigenous Peoples Under Siege” and so I – let me read your bio real
quick here. Let’s see. Where are you? Oh, there you are.
Mr. Tokhtabiev founded the International Fund, which helps to promote the development of
ethnic minorities in Russia, a nongovernmental organization that works to secure equal rights,
self-government and lawful participation of the political process for all members of Russian
society. In 1994, he worked jointly with a group of deputies from the State Duma – Russian
State Duma to find an active solution to the Russo-Chechen War and participate in the first peace
conference for that war entitled “Peace in the Caucasus and Peace in Russia.” It was held in
Moscow on February 5th, 1995. He was officially a registered candidate for president in 1996.
He currently works to organize a legal and just privatization of Russian companies such as
Gazprom and Rosneft.
Thank you.
SERGEI AMINOVICH TOKHTABIEV: Dear Sir and Madam, let me express my regret
about the victims of 11 th September. Let me also express my regret about victims of a tragedy in
Nalchik last year.

Nalchik, which is located in Kabardino-Balkaria, was attacked by a large group of militants in
South Russia on 14 th October, 2005. A number of buildings associated with Russian secret
forces were targeted. More than 100 people, including 12 civilians, were reported to have been
killed. Many were wounded. The raid was reportedly in response to months of persecution of
Muslims in the region, including arbitrary detention by law enforcement officials and wholesale
closure of mosques. According to Russian news sources, fighting began about 9:00 a.m. on the
morning of October 14 th . The initial attack included eight targets: Nalchik City airport, FSB
State Security Organization office, border guards FSB military branch office, a building
belonging to the anti-terrorist service of the Interior ministry, the barracks of OMON militsia
units, a barracks of road patrol police regiment, the military registration and enlistment office,
and the regional headquarters of the Russian penitentiary system.
Soon afterwards, a hunting store called Arsenal was robbed and three police stations were
attacked as well. Public transport shut down across Nalchik and sporadic fighting continued
across the city until at least noon. Eventually, rebel forces broke contact and retreated to the
mountains. A few wounded gunmen, who were cut off by federal reinforcements, holed up with
hostages in captured buildings, including a police station and souvenir shop, but they were killed
by Special Forces the following day. According to Russian officials, the hostages were killed
during this final round of fighting. On the morning of October 14 th , attackers shelled a police car
in the suburb of Khasanya, outside Nalchik, killing two OMON police officers.
The news sources also described the conditions in Central Nalchik that morning. Bloodied
corpses still lay in the streets on Friday. One was near the entrance to the police station No. 2
and the regional anti-terrorist center, where most of the windows had been blown out and even
tramway lines outside had been brought down. Seven more bodies were sprawled across the
street, most with horrific head wounds. Heavily armed police poked and kicked at their bodies,
presumably those of militants, all clad in tracksuits and running shoes.
I witnessed these tragic events in Nalchik. My apartment is near one of Nalchik’s schools in the
center of town, where there was a terrible fight. I ran to the school and took part in evacuation of
children. The rebels did not take children hostage, although they attacked the police office in
front of the school. The situation was very terrible, much like the situation in Beslan, but God
helped and children were saved.
In order to understand this extreme situation, I have to say some information about Kabardino-
Balkaria Republic. The capital is Nalchik. It is approximately 12,000 square kilometers.
Kabardino-Balkaria Republic is located in the North Caucasus. Most of its territory is located in
the Kabardino Valley. Within Russia, it borders Stavropol Region, North Ossetia, Karachai-
Cherkessia Republic, and Ingushetia. On the south, the Republic has a border with Georgia. The
Rivers Terek, Malka, Chegem, Cherek and Baksan flow through the region. The population is
approximately 800,000 people, with 56 percent being urban, and 44 percent being rural. The
ethnic composition is as follows: 55 percent are Kabardinian; 25 percent are Russian; 12 percent
are Balkarian; while the other 8 percent are other ethnic groups.
Historically, Kabardino-Balkarian Republic has consisted of two ethnic territories. One of these
groups is the Kabardinians, who speak a Circassian language, while the other group, the Balkars,

speak a Turkish language. At 25 percent of the population, the number of Russians in the
republic is relatively high.
In 1921, as part of the Soviet Union, these territories were united into Kabardino autonomous
region. In a year, this region was named Kabardino-Balkaria autonomous region. And in 1946,
it was promoted to an autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1944, Stalin accused the
Balkars of collaborating with the Nazis, and initiated their deportation. As such the territory’s
name was changed to the Kabardinian SSR. Balkars were allowed to return in 1957 and the
name of republic was restored.
In 1991, a declaration was passed proclaiming the independence of Republic. According to
which the former autonomous region became part of Russia. Despite the constant immigration
of Russians into the republic during the Soviet Union, the number of Muslims, Kabardino and
Balkaria, Balkars at the beginning of 1990 composed was almost 60 percent of population of the
Republic. In the last decade this number rose up to 70 percent due to emigration of Russians.
This emigration of ethnic Russian to other regions as well as mountain Jews, who worked in
fields such as the mining industry, education, et cetera, had a negative impact on the socioeconomic
situation in the Republic.
In 1994, Kabardino Republic and the Balkar Republic signed the bilateral agreement with Russia
about the determination of jurisdiction of the regions within the federation. There was an
attempt to provoke a clash between Kabardines who now lived in plains and Balkars who lived
in the mountains. However, this direction of ethnic conflict proved to be unperspective. Partly it
is because of the fact that part of the Balkar population after return from Central Asia was placed
on the original Kabardino land. Conflicts occur between the representatives of the local
population and forced migrants. According to local experts, the number of the migrants from
other republics to Kabardino-Balkarian is in 2003, 2004 it has exceeded the total number of
Balkars.
Kabardino-Balkaria Republic has not experienced serious division – split based on national
identification. However, in their Republic occur demonstrative attempts of infringement of
rights according to the geographical identification. The changing of elite which took place last
year most likely will not lead to redistribution of spheres of influence in the Republic.
Kabardino-Balkaria Republic suffers from the same problems connected with management as the
whole North Caucasian region. It is vulnerable before destabilizing effect of Chechen conflict,
including spread of Islamism. The repressive action of authorities against the Islamic group and
loyalty to central power as before provide local elite with the support of Moscow, but after some
time, these actions ignite extremist political activity.
Obstacles on the way to peace and development: by my opinion, economic stagnation and
unemployment; limited representation of political parties – only two parties in Kabardino-
Balkaria may – (unintelligible) – the population claims; persecution of Islamic groups and
political opposition.
Among the general obstacles, the rise of number of crimes, economic stagnation, et cetera.

Dynamical obstacles: unwillingness of small and middle and also business community on the
whole to investment in long-term projects.
Structural reasons: system corruption and et cetera.
The most pressing problem after unrest in Nalchik is the problem connected with the giving back
of killed rebels to their relatives. One of the leading human rights activists, Ladssa Dorogova,
tried to resolve this problem. Before the 14 th October last year events in Nalchik, Ladssa
Dorogova had also defended Muslims applied to various justification (sic) with statements of
their groundless persecution.
Later, together with lawyers Ifina Komisarova and Irma Golitsyna, she was removed from
defense of those detained on suspicion of attacking law enforcement and security agencies in the
republic, as ordered by the investigation. The lawyers appealed this decision in a court of law,
but the court sustained it.
As I said, the main problem is giving back the killed men’s bodies. Relatives of those killed
have applied to all possible jurisdictions with a request of giving out the bodies for burial, but it
appears that no one hears or wants to hear them. As you see, the situation is very difficult. My
personal opinion is the following. By all means, give back the bodies of killed men, rebels as
you understand. Otherwise, the amnesty is nonsense.
Also, I must say here if the – if we act in such a view each, unless like in Nalchik hold enough –
(unintelligible) – in future from then on gives free way to – (unintelligible) – form of Islam in
our region. This is the main problem now, and this issue is for separate discussion.
What is the situation now in Kabardino-Balkarian Republic? Shortly, I will say. At the end of
last month, the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, was supposed to meet with Russia’s richest
and powerful businessmen. The heads of the North Caucasus Republic had take part in the
meeting including president of KBR Arsen Kanokov but the meeting postponed. Local
authorities are ready to give controlling stake of shares of Kabardino-Balkaria Republic
businesses and land up for investments. Removal of land from the local population of
Kabardino-Balkaria Republic has led to legal crisis in Russia on the level of Constitutional Court
of Russia. Supposedly, the meeting will be about economical future of North Caucasus.
Special attention will be paid to the future of Kabardino-Balkaria Republic. Formally, this is
connected to the anniversary of 450 years of voluntary joining of Kabarda-Circassia to Moscow
Kingdom. Legal basis of creation of United Russian State is the only document, voluntary
joining to Kabarda and Circassia to Moscow Kingdom. This was achieved by marriage between
Kabardian Princess Marya Temryukovna and Moscow King Ivan the Terrible.
My point is that in reality, they will speak about urgent strategic measures on the economical
revival of Kabardino-Balkarian Republic and other plans of government of Russia on creation of
such conditions which would exclude the future the possibility of armed clash which took place
last year in Nalchik.

The fact of the mass unemployment in the Republic both in rural area, regional centers and the
capital shows the critical situation in the economy of Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, as I said.
Money flows into budget from the key area of production lowered to 5 percent in the first half of
the year, mainly because of introduction of new system of control of alcohol production and sale
– main tax collection.
On 12th of August, I – excuse me – president of International Fund of Development of
Aborigines and Ethnic Minorities was invited by the representatives of the Circassian Diaspora
to the mass meeting for the support of Abkhazia. Another invitation was presented to me from
the public organization to participate in the mass meeting at the Memorial of the Victims of
Balkar Nation. The mass meeting was devoted to decision of Constitutional Court of Russia
with regard to legislative acts of Kabardino-Balkarian Republic which introduce "mezhselennie"
territories, particular territories between villages taken from municipal ownership by the
government. The mass meetings were accompanied by military clash just ten, 15 km away from
the place of mass meetings with people who took part in October attack on Nalchik last year.
It's obvious that the authorities have not managed to tackle the undercover activity of insurgents
up to now. Moreover, if on the territory of Chechnya, the local TV shows mass surrender of
supporters of Aslan Maskhadov in Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, we cannot see it. The social
basis of Wahhabis becomes younger and younger. For instance, the student of high school in
Baksan under the influence of Wahhabi supporters was ready to take radical measures with
regard to enforcement bodies of the Republic for the support of killed insurgents, that is, wanted
to make herself a suicide bomber. The amnesty on the territory of Kabardino-Balkarian
Republic, taking into consideration the military actions during the mass meetings in Nalchik,
hasn't found the support of the insurgents who participated in attack on Nalchik in 2005.
What is worth mentioning is that only liquidation of mass unemployment cannot tackle the social
bases of terrorism in Kabardino-Balkarian Republic. The issue is more complicated and needs
profound insight. It has historical side and is connected to upcoming new war in the Caucasus.
Here are the most important problems which are of vital importance for the future of both
Kabardino-Balkarian Republic and North Caucasus and may be the whole Caucasus with closest
regions. In this direction, we are planning to start the following issues.
The solution of the issue of Circassian Diaspora as way of strategic management of North
Caucasus and Caspian and the Black sea regions, taking into consideration that the center of
management by Circassian Diaspora is in Nalchik. Promotion of the movement, Saklya of
Peace, Council of Elders of Nations of Caucasus, Caspian and The Black Sea regions as
instrument for non-nuclear status of the region. The movement was supported by the resolution
of the former President of Russia, Yeltsin, Governments of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan,
Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzia. The movement was initiated in Kabardino-Balkarian Republic by the
Fund to confront the Iranian influence in the region. Closure of hearing in the Constitutional
Court of Russia concerning correspondence of two laws, “Status and boarders of municipal
units” and “Administrative and territorial formation of KBR” to the Russian Constitution as one
the destabilizing factors in Kabardino-Balkarian Republic.
Continue the hearing in the Supreme Court of Russia on the inquiries of the International Fund

for the Development of Aborigines and Ethnic Minorities on violation of rights of aborigines in
Russia and North Caucasus on creation of public organization by the Ministry of Justice of
Russia. The problem of disappeared and disappearing nations in North Caucasus based on the
materials of hearings in the Supreme Court of Russia. Inquiry of the International Fund for the
Development of Aborigines and Ethnic Minorities consist also the problem of small nation
Ubykhs. The problem of fulfillment of Article 69 of the Constitution of Russia with regard to
disappeared nations of North Caucasus.
Thank you very much.
MR. HOWARD: Okay, for those who endured, do we have any questions from the audience
about the Western Caucasus – oh, wait a minute, we don’t want to let Paul – Paul, you’re ready
to – okay, pass. All right. Any questions? Once – oh, one question, we have here. Go right
ahead.
Q: There is a lot of talk in Turkey and Middle East, especially among young generation to go
back to their homeland. I wonder what will be the policy of the government of Republic and the
central government in case if it happens. But I cannot help – I have to tell you a short story also.
MR. HOWARD: Please, we don’t have time.
Q: Okay. (Laughter.)
MR. HOWARD: No stories. Who wants to answer? Yes?
MR. TOKHTABIEV: (Remaining comments through translator.) May I answer in Russian and
my assistant help me in this case? This problem with the diaspora, either in part or in whole
concerning their return, is a very significant problem for us and in the last 15 – the fact that this
question or the resolution of this issue has been delayed for 15 years since our democratic
reforms – those delays have caused additional problems and for us it’s like an open wound.
A quick comparison: There was a philosopher – (unintelligible) – Kazabuka (ph). There was an
expression they had, which was: “Avoid an idiot by walking around him and a smart man will
avoid you by walking around you.” In my view, what this means is that the most recent elections
– or significant – the large elections that took place in the Ukraine, during that point, Moscow
repealed registration requirements for Ukrainian citizens for a period of three months so they
could vote – so that they could vote in accordance with Moscow’s desires in Kiev. In other
words, we may just have to wait for such events that we will be – such smart events that we’ll be
able to walk around them – avoid them, walk around them, so the diaspora may be able to return.
MR. HOWARD: Just a footnote on that: On the – (off mike) – website, web portal this week,
there’s a 25-page analysis of the legal discussion on this issue on the last 15 years going through
the legislation and the process of definition. (Cross talk.) Would you want to comment, Ivan?
MR. SMIRNOV: I would like to add – I would like to say that one of the aims why the Kremlin
is so keen to eliminate the Adygea autonomy is to solve the Circassian problem once and for all

ecause they believe – the Russian authorities believe that if there is no Adygea autonomy, there
is no Circassian – the problem of Circassian Diaspora. So the Circassians who live out of
Russia, they cannot – in this case, they cannot claim their right to return to Krasnodar Krai.
MR. HOWARD: Yes, a question? Go ahead. We’re small.
Q: (Speaks in Russian.)
TRANSLATOR: The question was that you said you were a human rights activist and when
you wrote about the attacks Nalchik and the law enforcement facilities in Nalchik you said
another thing about the repressions – the repressions that followed with that. The question was
where are – where is repression worst?
MR. TOKHTABIEV: What I find the most frightening in terms of repression is the – is the fact
the authorities not returning the dead bodies to the families. Personally, I’m involved in cases in
front of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation concerning disappeared peoples and we
plan on adding this fact to those cases. Because the relatives of – the relatives of these dead
people, whom the authorities have designated as fighters, these are people who previously
wanted to leave the Russian Federation, and in this case, of course, there are the various legal
delays concerning their exit from Russia and naturally there is the follow-up question of “who
will bury these people in case the bodies are returned?”
And you know, if you excuse me, feel free to correct me, but I saw these attacks on the schools
and the storming of Grozny on in New Year’s in ’94, and what we are now seeing is a collision –
a legal collision between laws and the constitution that conflict and you have numerous articles
in the criminal code that are in conflict with each other.
And in conclusion, I just want to take – I have to say I apologize. I had to clarify. As an
American, it sometimes it doesn’t make sense what I hear – but in conclusion, the criminal code
of Russia has an article that – this is the perfect example of how it conflicts with the constitution
– where even a person who may have been traveling, who may have been away from a scene of a
crime can still be arrested for a crime committed in that place. This is in complete conflict with
the constitution.
MS. TLISOVA: And if you’ll let me, I want to say a few words about this. The thing is you
can look at this problem from another side. These bodies are evidence of the crimes that were
committed by the military and after analysis – after analysis of these bodies, they prove that
many of these people died from torture, many of them were shot and, as they say, bullet to the
head.
After the 13 th of October, there were no wounded. And that is taking into account that in the
morgue, you’ll still find people wearing hospital gowns – that they made it to the hospitals to be
treated and they found out – they end up in the morgue. And this is the main reason why they’re
not handing over the bodies, not because these people are terrorists. It’s because nobody follows
the law in Russia. And that’s my point of view.

MR. HOWARD: Okay. Well, I think on that note, we’ve had a long day and I think we’re
going to go ahead and end the discussion. I want to thank everyone for coming and those
who’ve endured, on behalf of the Jamestown Foundation we very much appreciate your
attendance, and look for the papers online and the full transcript will be available some time next
week.
Thanks and have a great evening.
(Applause.)
(END)