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Global Health Watch 1 in one file

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<strong>Health</strong> care systems | B2<br />

n<strong>one</strong>theless to deliver a stream of <strong>in</strong>novative medic<strong>in</strong>es <strong>in</strong> the public <strong>in</strong>terest.<br />

However, as menti<strong>one</strong>d earlier, their profits are substantial. Pharmaceutical<br />

companies have also been guilty of exaggerat<strong>in</strong>g the cost of develop<strong>in</strong>g a new<br />

medic<strong>in</strong>e (see Figure B2.2).<br />

Furthermore, much of the truly <strong>in</strong>novative research that feeds <strong>in</strong>to the<br />

manufacture of medic<strong>in</strong>es is not undertaken by the corporate sector but by<br />

publicly funded research <strong>in</strong>stitutions and universities. Nearly half of the biomedical<br />

research spend<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the United States is supported by either the<br />

government or non-profit sector, the outputs of which enter the public doma<strong>in</strong><br />

to the benefit of the commercial sector. Others were first developed by smaller<br />

biotech companies and then licensed to the large companies.<br />

In contrast, a system which relies only on patent protection to fuel <strong>in</strong>novation<br />

can easily become distorted and <strong>in</strong>efficient (Baker and Chatani 2002).<br />

First, patent protection encourages an overemphasis on the production of<br />

copycat drugs that add little value to health outcomes. The US Food and Drug<br />

Adm<strong>in</strong>istration said 76% of the drugs it approved <strong>in</strong> the 1990s were duplicative<br />

rather than breakthrough drugs (US Food and Drug Adm<strong>in</strong>istration 2001).<br />

Second, patent protection gives manufacturers a big <strong>in</strong>centive to persuade doctors<br />

and patients to use their medic<strong>in</strong>es rather than others – result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> high<br />

spend<strong>in</strong>g on market<strong>in</strong>g and over-prescrib<strong>in</strong>g. Third, the legal and lobby<strong>in</strong>g<br />

costs associated with secur<strong>in</strong>g and enforc<strong>in</strong>g patents, which can <strong>in</strong>clude side<br />

table B2.1 Spend<strong>in</strong>g m<strong>one</strong>y to change policy: Pharmaceutical Research and<br />

Manufacturers of America budget <strong>in</strong>itiatives<br />

PhRMA Initiatives<br />

Budget (US$m)<br />

Pharmaceutical lobby<strong>in</strong>g at the US federal and state level 121.4<br />

Fight<strong>in</strong>g price controls and protect<strong>in</strong>g patent rights <strong>in</strong> foreign<br />

countries and <strong>in</strong> trade negotiations 17.5<br />

Fight<strong>in</strong>g a union-driven <strong>in</strong>itiative <strong>in</strong> Ohio to lower drug prices for<br />

people with <strong>in</strong>adequate <strong>in</strong>surance cover 15.8<br />

Lobby<strong>in</strong>g the US Food and Drug Adm<strong>in</strong>istration 4.9<br />

Payments to research and policy organizations sympathetic to the<br />

<strong>in</strong>dustry 2.0<br />

Fund<strong>in</strong>g a stand<strong>in</strong>g network of economists to speak aga<strong>in</strong>st US drug<br />

price controls 1.0<br />

Chang<strong>in</strong>g the Canadian health care system 1.0<br />

TOTAL 163.6<br />

Source: Pear 2003<br />

110

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