The Handbook of Discourse Analysis
The Handbook of Discourse Analysis The Handbook of Discourse Analysis
28 Elizabeth Couper-Kuhlen 5 hi! → N: (0.7) hi. M: hi! how are you Nora? N: oh hello. heh 10 M: he- hello, N: hello! M: hello! you’re on the radio! N: well that was a surprise. 15 M: surprise surprise. In this opening the moderator also provides his caller with a clear rhythmic beat at the end of his first turn by regularly timing his accents on sexy, lives, and hi. 12 But she misses his cue. Her hi in line 6 is too late to coincide with the beat he has established: (6′) Rhythmic analysis of Sexy Nora opening 1 M: so I 'think we’ll kick off; with er - /'sexy Nora; who / /'lives in 'Heaton 'Chapel./ 5 /'hi! N: (0.7) 'hi. (late) As the subsequent development of talk here shows, the fact that Nora misses the moderator’s cue creates a minor interactional “incident”: the greeting sequence gets recycled twice, and accounts are offered on both sides for what has happened – you’re on the radio (line 13) and well that was a surprise (line 14). Thus the hitch in turn transition in (6) can be reconstructed as rhythmic ill-timing: the caller’s return of greeting is late with respect to the rhythm and timing established in prior talk. 13 An appreciation of how crucial minor timing mishaps in turn transition can be for the order of interaction now casts a new light on what happened in fragment (4): (4) Brain Teaser: Sexy Sharon 1 M: then we go to Hardwick. (.) and there we get - (.) h sexy Sharon. ↓hi! 5 C: (0.4) °hello° - → M: {1} °hello° - how are you Sharon - C: °all right [thanks° M: [oh: ↑cheer up dear, 10 C: he hh M: Cheer up; for goodness sake; don’t- don’t put me in a bad mood; at (.) one o’clock;
Intonation and Discourse 29 A rhythmic analysis of this opening reveals that Sharon too misses the timing cues in the moderator’s first turn. He sets up a well-defined rhythm with accents on sexy, Sharon, and hi, but she comes in too late: (4′) Rhythmic analysis of Sexy Sharon opening 1 M: and there we get - (.) h /'sexy / /'Sharon. / /'↓hi! 5 C: (0.4) °hel'lo° - (late) In sum, it is the fact that transition timing is off as much as the fact that Sharon’s pitch is perceived as low which cues the moderator’s inference that she is not cheerful. This fragment thus provides a concrete example of how prosodic contextualization cues cluster and jointly make interpretive frames relevant. What provisional conclusions can be drawn about the way prosodic contextualization cues – here: onset, register, and rhythm – work in discourse? Onset and register have in common that they work to create a rudimentary sort of global structure: both are ways to format a TCU such that it will be heard as either prosodically matching or prosodically contrasting with surrounding TCUs. If matching, this may be interpretable structurally as, roughly speaking, continuing something that has already been started; if contrasting, it may be interpretable as doing something which is disconnected from what has gone before. Where the shift is to high, the structural inference may be that something new is beginning; where it is to low, that something is being subordinated. (On occasion, where sequential location and verbal content make a particular register or onset formatting expectable for a given TCU, the strategic avoidance of that format will cue the opposite interpretation.) Rhythm on the other hand is more of an equalizer: it pulls together units of different sizes and scope in an integrative fashion and sets them off from parts of surrounding talk which are rhythmically nonintegrated or which are patterned differently. What all three prosodic contextualization cues appear to have in common, however, is that they can have a structural (i.e. “system”-related) or an actional (i.e. “ritual”-related) interpretation, depending on the sequential context in which they occur and the syntactic-semantic content of the TCUs they are designed for. 4 Looking Far Ahead To conclude, what are some of the directions prosodic research might take in the more distant future? First, as the analysis of fragment (4) above suggests, volume needs to be looked at more closely. It will very likely turn out to be a prosodic contextualization cue like intonation and timing which is locally invoked and strategically deployed both within and across speaking turns. Just as with pitch, where the declination unit defines upper and lower gridlines within which pitch events are located, so a loudness declination unit will arguably need to be postulated within which loudness events are located
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- Page 9 and 10: Contents Contributors x Introductio
- Page 11 and 12: Contents ix B Culture, Community, a
- Page 13 and 14: Contributors xi non-truth condition
- Page 15 and 16: Contributors xiii Suzanne Fleischma
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- Page 23 and 24: Introduction 1 Introduction DEBORAH
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- Page 27 and 28: Introduction 5 scholars at the time
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- Page 33: Intonation and Discourse 11 I Disco
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- Page 38 and 39: 16 Elizabeth Couper-Kuhlen contrast
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- Page 68 and 69: 46 J. R. Martin Genre Genre// Field
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28 Elizabeth Couper-Kuhlen<br />
5 hi!<br />
→ N: (0.7) hi.<br />
M: hi!<br />
how are you Nora?<br />
N: oh hello. heh<br />
10 M: he- hello,<br />
N: hello!<br />
M: hello!<br />
you’re on the radio!<br />
N: well that was a surprise.<br />
15 M: surprise surprise.<br />
In this opening the moderator also provides his caller with a clear rhythmic beat at<br />
the end <strong>of</strong> his first turn by regularly timing his accents on sexy, lives, and hi. 12 But she<br />
misses his cue. Her hi in line 6 is too late to coincide with the beat he has established:<br />
(6′) Rhythmic analysis <strong>of</strong> Sexy Nora opening<br />
1 M: so I 'think we’ll kick <strong>of</strong>f;<br />
with er -<br />
/'sexy Nora; who /<br />
/'lives in 'Heaton 'Chapel./<br />
5 /'hi!<br />
N: (0.7) 'hi. (late)<br />
As the subsequent development <strong>of</strong> talk here shows, the fact that Nora misses the<br />
moderator’s cue creates a minor interactional “incident”: the greeting sequence gets<br />
recycled twice, and accounts are <strong>of</strong>fered on both sides for what has happened –<br />
you’re on the radio (line 13) and well that was a surprise (line 14). Thus the hitch in turn<br />
transition in (6) can be reconstructed as rhythmic ill-timing: the caller’s return <strong>of</strong><br />
greeting is late with respect to the rhythm and timing established in prior talk. 13<br />
An appreciation <strong>of</strong> how crucial minor timing mishaps in turn transition can be for<br />
the order <strong>of</strong> interaction now casts a new light on what happened in fragment (4):<br />
(4) Brain Teaser: Sexy Sharon<br />
1 M: then we go to Hardwick. (.)<br />
and there we get -<br />
(.) h sexy Sharon.<br />
↓hi!<br />
5 C: (0.4) °hello° -<br />
→ M: {1} °hello° -<br />
how are you Sharon -<br />
C: °all right [thanks°<br />
M: [oh: ↑cheer up dear,<br />
10 C: he hh<br />
M: Cheer up;<br />
for goodness sake;<br />
don’t- don’t put me in a bad mood;<br />
at (.) one o’clock;