The Handbook of Discourse Analysis
The Handbook of Discourse Analysis The Handbook of Discourse Analysis
212 Robin Tolmach Lakoff apology as a face threat must be computed by giving consideration to the intimacy and power relationships of the parties involved, and the seriousness of the misdeed that occasioned it. Other extralinguistic issues are equally relevant. If, for instance, as Tannen (1994) suggests, women tend to use “I’m sorry” as a smoother of difficult moments, but men are less likely to do so, the genders will misunderstand each other (and women, as people who traditionally are interpreted by others, will suffer more from the misunderstanding). Similarly, apologies raise the important question of when, how much, and in what way you divulge your “real self” or private persona to the world via language. As in the Cambridge Nanny case, when one culture believes it is shameful to let one’s guard down at all in public, and another believes that the sincerity of a public apology is gauged by sobs, tears, and hand-wringing, it will be difficult for a member of one group to produce an apology that will at once gratify members of the other, and leave the apologizer herself or himself with any shred of self-esteem. 2.9 Text analysis: apology as a document Finally, we can use much of the understanding gained at earlier levels to understand political and social events as reported in the media (both the choices of wording and the decisions as to what to discuss: the “text” and, perhaps, the “metatext(s)”). For instance, between the beginning of August and the end of September 1998 a large amount of space in the major American print media was dedicated to the analysis of and judgment upon the President’s several apologies; polls of the American people, assessing their opinions about the satisfactoriness of each Presidential apology; reflections upon what apologies were and how they were appropriately made; and so on. We may deduce from this that apology had assumed a superhot, perhaps symbolic, importance at that moment (a search using Lexis-Nexus would tell the researcher that never before or since had the word “apology” received so much play in so many media over so long a time). At this level we can examine the subtext: why do “we,” whoever “we” are, require a show of contrition at this time? And why are the demanders never satisfied? Answers to these questions require the examination of language at all the levels discussed above. In this way, through concentration on a particular speech act, located in a specific cultural and societal time and place, we can come to understand a great deal about who we are, what we want, and the rules and assumptions that bind us together as a society. NOTES I would like to thank Deborah Tannen for her perceptive comments and suggestions. 1 And there were many fewer areas of knowledge identified as “disciplines” or “departments.” Within the humanities, for instance, modern languages were recognized only in the late nineteenth century as valid subjects for university study. The first chair in English at Harvard was established in 1876; at Oxford, the English honors degree was created
Nine Ways of Looking at Apologies 213 (with some sniping from traditionalists) in 1896 (Delbanco 1999). The social sciences are even newer, with anthropology and sociology dating from the first third of the twentieth century; departments of linguistics became commonplace only toward the end of the 1960s. 2 As an illustration, if the syntactician is permitted to offer analyses that take no cognizance of the fact that sentences are produced in the service of cognition and communication, then surely such analyses can function only as unintentional self-parodies, the ivory tower at its most aloof and irrelevant, social science turned antisocial (and not too scientific, since form divorced from function tends to offer very few useful or lasting generalizations). 3 Older readers may recall Steve Martin’s line on Saturday Night Live, “Well, excu-u-use me!,” to precisely this effect. 4 The relation between “real” feelings and “surface” ones proves as intriguing as it is vexing for several disciplines. It manifests itself in Ekman and Friesen’s (1975) distinction between “automatic” expressions of emotion that represent universal human instincts (e.g. scowling to express anger) and those that people learn as part of their culture’s communicative repertoire (e.g. Japanese giggling, vs. American joking, to cover embarrassment); in the various distinctions made within several versions of transformational generative grammar (“deep,” “abstract,” “underlying,” or “logical” vs. “surface” structure); and in psychoanalytic discussion of the “latent” vs. “manifest” content of dreams, symptoms, and errors. Here is another point at which disparate fields come together in a common quest, obscured by differences in vocabulary and methodology. 5 This was a notorious and controversial case shown on Court TV and tirelessly reported in network news and magazine shows nightly. Louise Woodward, a young British national employed in Cambridge MA as a nanny, was accused of shaking the baby in her charge to death. The evidence was ambiguous. Found guilty by the jury, she was placed on probation by the judge and allowed to go free, both decisions provoking controversy among the public and “experts” of various stripes. 6 However, the popularity in high places of the adage “Never apologize, never explain” argues that the two may be closer than the above analysis suggests. 7 For the historical record: in January of 1998, evidence came to light that President Clinton had engaged in sexual conduct with a White House intern, Monica Lewinsky. Shortly thereafter on a television interview he said, “I have never, at any time, had sexual relations with that woman, Miss Lewinsky.” The question remained red-hot for several months, with continual denials on one side and insistences on the other. In August Lewinsky’s “semen-stained dress” came to light, and subsequent DNA testing proved the semen to be the President’s. Apologies were then demanded – for exactly what (the sexual behavior; the untruthfulness; the fact that the statement had been accompanied by wagging/shaking his finger at us/you/the American people) was never precisely clarified.
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Nine Ways <strong>of</strong> Looking at Apologies 213<br />
(with some sniping from<br />
traditionalists) in 1896 (Delbanco 1999).<br />
<strong>The</strong> social sciences are even newer,<br />
with anthropology and sociology<br />
dating from the first third <strong>of</strong> the<br />
twentieth century; departments <strong>of</strong><br />
linguistics became commonplace only<br />
toward the end <strong>of</strong> the 1960s.<br />
2 As an illustration, if the syntactician is<br />
permitted to <strong>of</strong>fer analyses that take no<br />
cognizance <strong>of</strong> the fact that sentences<br />
are produced in the service <strong>of</strong><br />
cognition and communication, then<br />
surely such analyses can function only<br />
as unintentional self-parodies, the<br />
ivory tower at its most alo<strong>of</strong> and<br />
irrelevant, social science turned<br />
antisocial (and not too scientific, since<br />
form divorced from function tends to<br />
<strong>of</strong>fer very few useful or lasting<br />
generalizations).<br />
3 Older readers may recall Steve<br />
Martin’s line on Saturday Night Live,<br />
“Well, excu-u-use me!,” to precisely<br />
this effect.<br />
4 <strong>The</strong> relation between “real” feelings<br />
and “surface” ones proves as<br />
intriguing as it is vexing for several<br />
disciplines. It manifests itself in Ekman<br />
and Friesen’s (1975) distinction<br />
between “automatic” expressions <strong>of</strong><br />
emotion that represent universal<br />
human instincts (e.g. scowling to<br />
express anger) and those that people<br />
learn as part <strong>of</strong> their culture’s<br />
communicative repertoire (e.g.<br />
Japanese giggling, vs. American joking,<br />
to cover embarrassment); in the<br />
various distinctions made within<br />
several versions <strong>of</strong> transformational<br />
generative grammar (“deep,”<br />
“abstract,” “underlying,” or “logical”<br />
vs. “surface” structure); and in<br />
psychoanalytic discussion <strong>of</strong> the<br />
“latent” vs. “manifest” content <strong>of</strong><br />
dreams, symptoms, and errors. Here is<br />
another point at which disparate fields<br />
come together in a common quest,<br />
obscured by differences in vocabulary<br />
and methodology.<br />
5 This was a notorious and controversial<br />
case shown on Court TV and tirelessly<br />
reported in network news and<br />
magazine shows nightly. Louise<br />
Woodward, a young British national<br />
employed in Cambridge MA as a<br />
nanny, was accused <strong>of</strong> shaking the<br />
baby in her charge to death. <strong>The</strong><br />
evidence was ambiguous. Found<br />
guilty by the jury, she was placed on<br />
probation by the judge and allowed<br />
to go free, both decisions provoking<br />
controversy among the public and<br />
“experts” <strong>of</strong> various stripes.<br />
6 However, the popularity in high places<br />
<strong>of</strong> the adage “Never apologize, never<br />
explain” argues that the two may be<br />
closer than the above analysis suggests.<br />
7 For the historical record: in January <strong>of</strong><br />
1998, evidence came to light that<br />
President Clinton had engaged in<br />
sexual conduct with a White House<br />
intern, Monica Lewinsky. Shortly<br />
thereafter on a television interview he<br />
said, “I have never, at any time, had<br />
sexual relations with that woman,<br />
Miss Lewinsky.” <strong>The</strong> question<br />
remained red-hot for several months,<br />
with continual denials on one side<br />
and insistences on the other. In<br />
August Lewinsky’s “semen-stained<br />
dress” came to light, and subsequent<br />
DNA testing proved the semen to be<br />
the President’s. Apologies were then<br />
demanded – for exactly what (the<br />
sexual behavior; the untruthfulness;<br />
the fact that the statement had been<br />
accompanied by wagging/shaking<br />
his finger at us/you/the American<br />
people) was never precisely clarified.