Untitled - International Commission of Jurists
Untitled - International Commission of Jurists
Untitled - International Commission of Jurists
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
to the government <strong>of</strong> the day, led by President Chandrika Kumaratunge. 104 In abrupt<br />
contrast, during the last three-and-a-half years <strong>of</strong> this Chief Justice’s term, he himself<br />
appeared to take the court in unpredictable directions. While this period was marked<br />
by several judgments holding the government to account, 105 other decisions were<br />
criticized for trespassing on legislative and executive authority. The government,<br />
further undermining the credibility <strong>of</strong> the judiciary, ignored the orders in many <strong>of</strong><br />
these cases.<br />
For example, Rodrigo v. Imalka, 106 the right to be free from arbitrary arrest was<br />
upheld by the Chief Justice with the further, less predictable decision that all<br />
permanent checkpoints in the capital ought to be demolished as due process had not<br />
be followed in erecting them. This Court order led to consternation as the order came<br />
amidst the escalation <strong>of</strong> the war between the government and the LTTE. The<br />
authorities ignored the decision without apparent consequence. In Ashik v. Bandula, 107<br />
popularly known as the ‘Noise Pollution Case,” the Chief Justice prohibited the earlymorning<br />
use <strong>of</strong> loudspeakers by religious institutions. The practice continued<br />
unchanged. In the ‘petroleum prices decision’, the Court ordered that petrol prices for<br />
consumers should be reduced, with no effect. 108<br />
104 One such explicit example was in relation to Supreme Court Fundamental Rights Application No<br />
633/2001, filed by the Free Media Movement against the <strong>Commission</strong>er <strong>of</strong> Elections and main state<br />
electronic media, the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) in regard to a forthcoming General<br />
Election scheduled to be held on 05.12.2001. The doctrine <strong>of</strong> Public Trust was invoked by the<br />
petitioners in urging that the state television channel should not be used for party propaganda purposes<br />
for a forthcoming election as it was run with state money and was therefore held in trust by the<br />
government for the public. However, when the matter was called for hearing on 26.11.2001, (ten days<br />
before the scheduled elections) the then Chief Justice refused to give an early date for the respondents<br />
to report back to court prior to the elections despite request <strong>of</strong> counsel, given the urgency <strong>of</strong> the matter.<br />
Costs were threatened to be awarded against the petitioner for coming before Court and the Chief<br />
Justice made the extraordinary observation that the petitioner should turn <strong>of</strong>f the state television<br />
channel and switch to another channel if he found the former to be biased in its coverage. This case,<br />
and several other cases, had been listed in the aborted impeachment motions filed against the then<br />
Chief Justice during this period. Despite these orders rejecting the Doctrine <strong>of</strong> Public Trust during<br />
Kumaratunge’s term, the Chief Justice however, (during the last year <strong>of</strong> his term in particular), went on<br />
to deliver several decisions against Kumaratunge’s presidential successor, Mahinda Rajapakse<br />
precisely on this same doctrine <strong>of</strong> Public Trust.<br />
105 Centre for Policy Alternatives v. Victor Perera (SC, FR Application No 177/2007, SCM 05/05/2008)<br />
where the mass scale evictions <strong>of</strong> lodgers <strong>of</strong> Tamil ethnicity from lodging houses in Colombo was<br />
halted and a case filed by the Ceylon Wokers Congress (SC Fr Application No 428/2007, SCM<br />
19.12.2007) in relation to arbitrary arrests and detentions where the Court made several orders relating<br />
to the formulation <strong>of</strong> a scheme to be adhered to in respect <strong>of</strong> arrests and detentions and a new Court to<br />
be established to consider these arrests and detentions (SCM 27.02.2008 and SCM 02.04.2008).<br />
106 SC, FR Application No. 297/2007, SCM 03.12.2007.<br />
107 SC, FR Application No. 38/2005, SCM 07.11.2007.<br />
108 “In this instance, the government publicly stated that it would not fully implement the initial order as<br />
this would be ‘contrary to the war effort’’ see IBAHRI Justice in Retreat: A report on the<br />
independence <strong>of</strong> the legal pr<strong>of</strong>ession and the rule <strong>of</strong> law in Sri Lanka” May 2009, at p. 37. In early<br />
2009, the Court was again rendered impotent when the government refused to implement its order in an<br />
oil hedging contract that was legally impugned. In another set <strong>of</strong> decisions, the Supreme Court<br />
appeared to enter into direct conflict with the President. In the “Waters Edge” Case, the actions <strong>of</strong><br />
former President Chandrika Kumaratunge regarding a land acquisition during her term <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice were<br />
impugned. The President was forced to pay a fine under a decision <strong>of</strong> the Chief Justice. Many<br />
observers related this decision, in marked contrast to the earlier deference shown the President, to a<br />
disputed judgment relating to the President’s term <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice, as a result <strong>of</strong> which the presidential<br />
elections were held in November 2005 rather than (as Kumaratunge would have preferred) in 2006,<br />
reducing her term in <strong>of</strong>fice by one year. 108 In the Water’s Edge case, in addition to imposing a fine for<br />
42