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Untitled - International Commission of Jurists

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was also spared the distinction <strong>of</strong> hearing socially or politically sensitive<br />

cases. Even if I was accommodated on a bench at the leave stage, once my<br />

views were known to be contrary to certain others, I would never be given that<br />

case thereafter. Therefore I am unable to refer to any rational basis except to<br />

come to the conclusion that particular objectives were the only rational basis<br />

adhered to!” 100<br />

The nomination <strong>of</strong> junior judges in the constitution <strong>of</strong> benches to hear important<br />

matters was a particularly troubling feature <strong>of</strong> the judicial culture during this period.<br />

This practice was vividly illustrated in Victor Ivan v. Hon. Sarath Silva, 101 in which<br />

Chief Justice Silva, contrary to judicial practice hitherto held sacrosanct, nominated a<br />

Divisional Bench <strong>of</strong> the most junior judges on the Court to hear the petitions that had<br />

been lodged alleging that he was not competent to hold judicial <strong>of</strong>fice. The Court 102<br />

decided that the impeachment was a question to be determined by Parliament and not<br />

by the Court as the constitutional remedy was in Parliament.<br />

This decision appeared to contradict an earlier case when Parliament was about to<br />

debate the first impeachment motion against the Chief Justice in 2001. On that<br />

occasion, the Supreme Court issued a stay order on Parliament seeking to restrain it<br />

from debating on the matter. In an order handed down by then Speaker Anura<br />

Bandaranaike, Parliament refused to accept the Court’s stay order. The impeachment<br />

motion was defeated by the President’s unilateral dissolution <strong>of</strong> Parliament.<br />

Beyond these specific matters that raised questions regarding the impartiality <strong>of</strong> the<br />

judiciary, a pattern <strong>of</strong> intimidation, unfair dismissal, and disciplinary action against<br />

subordinate judges <strong>of</strong> High Courts, District Courts and Magistrates Courts also<br />

became evident. <strong>International</strong> monitors warned that the independence <strong>of</strong> Sri Lanka’s<br />

judiciary was being seriously undermined. 103 Impeachment motions filed against the<br />

Chief Justice in 2001 and 2003 were prevented by the summary dissolution and<br />

prorogation <strong>of</strong> Parliament by President Kumaratunge. These developments had a<br />

deleterious impact on the Court’s jurisprudence.<br />

A further dimension <strong>of</strong> these developments was the marked shift in the Supreme<br />

Court’s relationship with the executive. From late 1999 onwards up to about late<br />

2005, the Court, under then Chief Justice Sarath Silva, was characterized by deference<br />

100 ‘Justice on a razor's edge’ The Sunday Leader, 31 0ct.2004.’ and also “Top judge hits out at judicial<br />

process” Daily Mirror, 20.10.2004.<br />

101 [2001] 1 Sri LR 309.<br />

102 per Justice S.W.B. Wadugodapitiya.<br />

103 See Report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Independence <strong>of</strong> the Judiciary, (April<br />

2003), E/CN.4/2003/65/Add.1, 25.02.2003 and among several relevant press releases <strong>of</strong> the Special<br />

Rapporteur, see releases dated 27.02.2003 and 28.05.2003. See also Report <strong>of</strong> the Human Rights<br />

Institute <strong>of</strong> the <strong>International</strong> Bar Association, (IBAHRI) ‘Sri Lanka: Failing to protect the Rule <strong>of</strong> Law<br />

and the Independence <strong>of</strong> the Judiciary,’ November 2001. A more recent report following a second<br />

mission <strong>of</strong> the IBAHRI reiterated these concerns regarding the need to secure the independence <strong>of</strong> Sri<br />

Lanka’s judiciary, see “Justice in Retreat: A report on the independence <strong>of</strong> the legal pr<strong>of</strong>ession and the<br />

rule <strong>of</strong> law in Sri Lanka” May 2009. This second report <strong>of</strong> the IBAHRI takes note <strong>of</strong> the fact that<br />

though Chief Justice Silva had, during the last two years <strong>of</strong> his ten year term, presided over several<br />

judgments critical <strong>of</strong> the Rajapakse government’s record <strong>of</strong> good governance, some <strong>of</strong> these judgments<br />

raised concerns that the judicial reasoning there<strong>of</strong> was not based on ‘any proper rationalization <strong>of</strong> the<br />

law in this area but appears to be a tool to provide the Chief Justice with the opportunity to pronounce<br />

on populist issues’, see at p. 35. .<br />

41

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