Untitled - International Commission of Jurists
Untitled - International Commission of Jurists
Untitled - International Commission of Jurists
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through constitutional amendments, particularly in 1972 and in 1978. Failures in the<br />
criminal justice system are comprehensively evaluated and shown to owe a great deal<br />
to the politicization <strong>of</strong> the justice system precisely through the strengthening <strong>of</strong><br />
executive power at the expense <strong>of</strong> an independent and effective judiciary.<br />
The assessment underscores some commonly known and uncontroversial<br />
characteristics <strong>of</strong> COIs and their relationship to the criminal justice system and to<br />
government and the broader political regime:<br />
1) That some COIs have been used by governments to expose the abuses <strong>of</strong> a<br />
previous political regime for partisan reasons or, conversely, when they have been<br />
appointed to inquire into abuses committed during that same administration, to escape<br />
accountability.<br />
2) That the recommendations <strong>of</strong> these bodies - even when they have been<br />
functioning credibly - have had negligible impact ins<strong>of</strong>ar as actual prosecutions<br />
emanating from these findings are concerned. The question <strong>of</strong> legal accountability for<br />
grave human rights violations <strong>of</strong> civilians <strong>of</strong> the majority Sinhala ethnicity as well as<br />
the minority Tamil and Muslim ethnicity and others has remained unaddressed for<br />
decades.<br />
3) That the lack <strong>of</strong> legal accountability for grave human rights violations has<br />
been buttressed by the culpable omissions <strong>of</strong> the State in failing to amend and reform<br />
its laws and regulations. Further, the provision <strong>of</strong> de jure impunity (laws providing<br />
cover for violations if done in ‘good faith’ and attempting to shut out the jurisdiction<br />
<strong>of</strong> the courts in the adjudication <strong>of</strong> possible violations) and de facto impunity (lack <strong>of</strong><br />
political and prosecutorial will to initiate and pursue cases to an effective conclusion)<br />
has ensured that perpetrators <strong>of</strong> abuses are protected.<br />
4) That the inadequacy <strong>of</strong> the judicial response to victims at all levels <strong>of</strong> the<br />
legal system, from the Supreme Court to the High Court, has aggravated and formed<br />
an integral part <strong>of</strong> these systemic failures. Even where individual judges have shown<br />
greater sensitivity at times, these efforts have been negated by the nonimplementation<br />
<strong>of</strong> judicial orders by successive political establishments. The<br />
independence <strong>of</strong> the judiciary – the basis for securing the minimum standards for fair<br />
adjudication <strong>of</strong> these cases - has been persistently undermined.<br />
2. Absence <strong>of</strong> state accountability<br />
The lack <strong>of</strong> state accountability for human rights violations in Sri Lanka crosses<br />
ethnic divides. Civilians <strong>of</strong> predominantly Tamil ethnicity were caught up in the<br />
conflict in the North and East, which intensified during most <strong>of</strong> the years from 1983<br />
to 2009. Meanwhile, an estimated 40,000 Sinhalese youth were ‘disappeared’ during<br />
insurrectionist violence in other parts <strong>of</strong> the country during the 1980s and early ’90s.<br />
Impunity transcends ethnic boundaries, as did the outcry against some <strong>of</strong> the gravest<br />
injustices in both contexts.<br />
Out <strong>of</strong> these thousands <strong>of</strong> extrajudicial killings, only a few cases have been effectively<br />
investigated and prosecuted to a successful conclusion. Poignantly, the two most vivid<br />
cases in this regard claimed victims from both the minority and majority ethnic<br />
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