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Pascual Masullo (Pittsburgh) and Marcela Depiante

Pascual Masullo (Pittsburgh) and Marcela Depiante

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Main Session Abstracts<br />

of meaning (albricias “good tidings”, bodas “wedding”, noticias “news”, etc.). Our analysis<br />

therefore predicts that this kind of noun will not be able to license ellipsis of a singular but<br />

otherwise identical noun (in the few cases where this is possible). The unacceptability of (5)<br />

below bears out our prediction, lending further support to the analysis we have proposed:<br />

(5) ?? Las noticias de la televisión y la noticia de la radio no coinciden.<br />

The news of the TV <strong>and</strong> the news of the radio do not agree.<br />

“The news on the TV <strong>and</strong> those on the radio do not agree”.<br />

While nominal ellipsis prohibits a gender mismatch, ellipsis of nominal modifiers<br />

(quantifiers, adjectives, etc.) does not require gender identity (6), which might be taken as a<br />

serious counterexample to the proposal that gender is lexically determined:<br />

(6) El niño es bueno y la niña es buena también.<br />

The boy is good-MASC <strong>and</strong> the girl is good-FEM too.<br />

However, if we recall that the gender markings on adjectives <strong>and</strong> determiners in Romance<br />

result from agreement with the noun they modify, our proposal is reinforced, since these must<br />

necessarily enter the computational system without any gender specification. Thus, before<br />

noun modifiers acquire their gender (the mechanism whereby they do so is irrelevant for our<br />

purposes), the formal identity required for ellipsis is obtained:<br />

(7) El niño MASC es buen- y la niña FEM es buen- también.<br />

The following example of a related phenomenon in English (one-substitution) might<br />

also be construed as a counterexample:<br />

(8) I have a neighbor who once played third base for the White Sox, <strong>and</strong> I have one who was Miss<br />

Georgia of 1976 (McCawley 1998, p. 371).<br />

This apparent problem can be solved, however, once we realize that nouns like neighbor are<br />

not ambiguous with respect to gender, but rather referentially vague, i.e. the natural gender<br />

(or sex) of the referent must be pragmatically determined. There is no actual gender feature<br />

associated with this kind of noun, <strong>and</strong> so the formal identity required (in this case, for onesubstitution)<br />

is once again ensured.<br />

Finally, in light of the data examined, we will briefly consider the controversy over<br />

the need to postulate both Number <strong>and</strong> Gender projections within DP (as in Picallo 1991,<br />

Bernstein 1991), or only a Number projection (as in Ritter 1991).<br />

45

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