Comprehensive strategies for active ageing - mutual learning ...
Comprehensive strategies for active ageing - mutual learning ...
Comprehensive strategies for active ageing - mutual learning ...
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SUMMARY<br />
1. Introduction<br />
<strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
Thematic Review seminar of the Mutual Learning Programme<br />
of the European Employment Strategy<br />
Brussels, 20 April 2004<br />
Summary<br />
The Thematic Review seminar, held in Brussels on 20 th April 2005, was the second in a series of seminars<br />
which take place biannually in the framework of the ‘Mutual Learning Programme of the European Employment<br />
Strategy 1 ’. The theme of the second Thematic Review seminar reflected one of the major challenges facing the<br />
European Union in the coming years: demographic <strong>ageing</strong> and its economic and labour market implications.<br />
The Review was hosted by DG Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities of the European<br />
Commission (DG EMPL) and attended by government delegates, national and European stakeholders and<br />
social partners from EU member states, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Norway and Iceland.<br />
The Thematic Review seminar was opened by Odile Quintin, Director General of DG EMPL and Maarten<br />
Camps, Chairman of the European Employment Committee. Odile Quintin outlined the challenges related to<br />
demographic <strong>ageing</strong> in Europe and the European Union’s policy response. Maarten Camps underlined the need<br />
to find rapid practical measures to raise participation rates in the labour market. Experts Jaap de Koning (SEOR<br />
B.V., Erasmus University Rotterdam) and Philip Taylor (University of Cambridge) presented papers on the<br />
challenges facing European labour markets and <strong>strategies</strong> to promote the employability of older workers. These<br />
were complemented by four country presentations which provided concrete examples of different strategy<br />
approaches: the United Kingdom and the Netherlands in the morning and Germany and Sweden in the<br />
afternoon. Both the morning and afternoon sessions were concluded with discussions on the country examples,<br />
and the day was rounded off with a panel discussion with representatives from the European social partners and<br />
OECD on the key issues covered by the seminar.<br />
2. Background and policy considerations - Opening Statements<br />
The opening statements by Odile Quintin and Maarten Camps provided the background and thematic framework<br />
<strong>for</strong> the second Thematic Review seminar of the Mutual Learning Programme. The fact that <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong> should<br />
have been singled out as a priority theme <strong>for</strong> the programme is indicative of its importance <strong>for</strong> the European<br />
labour market. In her opening statement, Odile Quintin remarked that the Lisbon target of having 50% of all 55-<br />
64-year-olds in employment would not be reached by 2010. More concerted action is needed at all levels to<br />
come even close to that target in the future, when demographic <strong>ageing</strong> will be particularly pronounced. One of<br />
the main barriers to reaching the target is the prevailing attitude in most member states that is still influenced by<br />
a culture of early retirement. The European Council of Barcelona (spring 2002) adopted two new targets: to raise<br />
the effective real retirement age in Europe and to provide more pre-school care facilities <strong>for</strong> children. Both are<br />
essential <strong>for</strong> increasing participation in the work<strong>for</strong>ce (of older workers and women in particular).<br />
1 The Mutual Learning Programme builds on the <strong>for</strong>mer Peer Review programme.<br />
See: http://www.<strong>mutual</strong>-<strong>learning</strong>-employment.net<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
Active <strong>ageing</strong> is not an issue that affects older workers in isolation but all members of society and a wide range<br />
of policy fields. Odile Quintin stressed that to age <strong>active</strong>ly you have to start young!<br />
Maarten Camps agreed with the points made by Odile Quintin in her opening statement and expressed the wish<br />
<strong>for</strong> concrete examples policies to attract and maintain people in the labour market. He argued that the evidence<br />
suggests that a range of incentives, <strong>for</strong> employers to maintain older workers in the work<strong>for</strong>ce and <strong>for</strong> employees<br />
to remain in work, could be effective and that it was there<strong>for</strong>e important to discuss and disseminate these.<br />
3. Thematic Expert Paper<br />
“Incentives to take up work and remain in work longer” – Jaap de Koning<br />
The Implications of the <strong>ageing</strong> process on the labour market<br />
Jaap de Koning’s paper focused on the implications <strong>for</strong> the labour market of demographic <strong>ageing</strong>. He outlined<br />
the possible impacts of the <strong>ageing</strong> process on the relative size of the work<strong>for</strong>ce, on participation rates and on<br />
productivity and innovation. He then looked at the role of incentives to keep older people in work, and at the<br />
challenges posed by <strong>ageing</strong> and policy responses to them.<br />
The impacts of the <strong>ageing</strong> process on the relative size of the population of working age between now and 2050<br />
are: a huge increase in the old age dependency ratio (i.e. the number of people over 65 divided by the number<br />
of people of working age); a rise in the share of the very old (80+); and a decrease in the share of young people.<br />
The latter may reduce pressure on the dependency ratio in countries with extremely low birth rates (e.g. some of<br />
the new member states), but accelerate the effects of <strong>ageing</strong> of the work<strong>for</strong>ce. These impacts will lead to an<br />
upward pressure on age-related public expenditure, a growth in the share of the <strong>active</strong> labour <strong>for</strong>ce needed <strong>for</strong><br />
care activities, negative effects on macro-economic productivity and higher tax rates (which may, in turn,<br />
generate a vicious circle reducing incentives to work and thereby pushing tax rates up even higher).<br />
Currently the participation rates of 50-65 year-olds in the work<strong>for</strong>ce are low (57.7% EU average in 2002). If one<br />
assumes that the current low labour market participation of this age category continues, the impacts of<br />
demographic <strong>ageing</strong> would be a drop of 10% in overall participation rates between 2000 and 2050 2 . The effect<br />
would be particularly acute <strong>for</strong> the countries of Central Europe. However, it is likely that the share of 50-65 yearolds<br />
in working age population will increase although the all-age participation rate will decline. Thus the overall<br />
impact of demographic <strong>ageing</strong> on participation rates will have a negative effect on the size of the labour <strong>for</strong>ce,<br />
and the level of employment, as well as macro-economic output and income.<br />
In terms of the impact of <strong>ageing</strong> on innovation and productivity, the existing evidence suggests that an older<br />
work<strong>for</strong>ce has negative effects on productivity and on innovation and productivity growth. However, the<br />
observed patterns may not be inevitable. Learning capacity stays intact if people continue to learn, older workers<br />
per<strong>for</strong>m equally well as younger workers in certain fields (which is an argument in favour of job mobility), and<br />
mobility and training throughout one's life positively affect per<strong>for</strong>mance later in life.<br />
Policy to date<br />
Incentives <strong>for</strong> employers to employ older workers are insufficient. The productivity-wage ratio is seen as<br />
unfavourable <strong>for</strong> these groups. Both younger and older workers appear to cost more than they produce whereas<br />
middle-aged workers produce more than they cost. Although there may be an 'implicit deal' between employers<br />
and employees regarding productivity-wage ratios over time, employers are unlikely to respect this if the<br />
government offers the option of using social benefit schemes as exit routes <strong>for</strong> older workers. In addition, older<br />
2 Burniaux, Duval and Jamotte (2004)<br />
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SUMMARY<br />
workers may be less adaptable and less able to cope with organisational and technological change. The high<br />
separation costs of older workers discourage employers from hiring them in the first place. Training older<br />
workers is often not very attr<strong>active</strong> <strong>for</strong> employers because the pay-off period is typically shorter than with<br />
younger workers. Even though it can be argued that older workers may be less likely to quit than their younger<br />
(upwardly mobile) colleagues, employers may still be wary of investing in them. There is also a common belief<br />
among employers that older workers get sick more frequently than younger ones. The behaviour of employers<br />
is, it can be argued, partly based on bias.<br />
The incentives <strong>for</strong> older employees to stay in employment are also insufficient. Early retirement was encouraged<br />
<strong>for</strong> many years in Europe in an attempt to reduce unemployment and provide jobs <strong>for</strong> the young. Jaap de Koning<br />
argued that such a policy was based on false assumptions (the so-called 'lump of labour fallacy') since it did not<br />
take into account that a reduction in supply can itself lead to a reduction in demand. Many countries, e.g. the<br />
Netherlands, developed early retirement schemes which made it possible <strong>for</strong> workers to retire between the ages<br />
of 55 and 60 with a relatively small decline in net income. The fact that, at this age, children have usually left<br />
home and mortgages are paid means that employees faced with this choice would often opt <strong>for</strong> leisure.<br />
Older workers have, in the past, tended to have relatively easy access to disability and unemployment benefits.<br />
These were also used as unofficial 'exit routes' by employers. Many EU member states (e.g. the Netherlands<br />
and the UK) have, in recent years, introduced stricter checks on people claiming disability benefits and have<br />
made it more difficult <strong>for</strong> people to remain on unemployment benefits until retirement without <strong>active</strong>ly looking <strong>for</strong><br />
work. The incentive to remain in employment or to look <strong>for</strong> work is thus heightened.<br />
Older employees often have the same negative attitude towards training as their employers, and may also<br />
believe that the individual pay-off period is too short to get positive returns from investment in training.<br />
Policy response<br />
The above analysis leads to the conclusion that the <strong>ageing</strong> process poses considerable challenges to society<br />
and that new policy measures are needed to ensure the future stability of per capita income growth. Jaap de<br />
Koning suggested that such policies should focus on two main objectives:<br />
– to increase labour <strong>for</strong>ce participation, in order to compensate <strong>for</strong> the expected decline in the labour <strong>for</strong>ce, and<br />
– to increase labour productivity and productivity growth.<br />
The fact that some countries (e.g. Sweden) have high rates of employment among older workers suggests that<br />
policy measures can make a difference. What might these be?<br />
Incentives to older workers to stay in work <strong>for</strong> longer. These may include the following measures:<br />
– Blocking the road to unofficial early retirement through social security benefits (disability and unemployment<br />
benefits)<br />
– Stimulating investment in human capital (training), in particular targeting individuals (e.g. through<br />
initiatives such as individual <strong>learning</strong> accounts and <strong>learning</strong> vouchers)<br />
– Making benefit entitlements and levels dependent on previous investment in human capital<br />
Incentives to employers. These may include:<br />
– 'Experience-rating' in social security schemes, under which in the contributions paid by employers<br />
increase according to the number of older workers they lay off<br />
– Reducing separation costs in combination with tax bonuses <strong>for</strong> employers who hire older workers<br />
– Subsidising wage costs or reducing social contributions/taxes<br />
– Increasing government support <strong>for</strong> training and mobility<br />
Other measures to encourage the participation of older workers in the labour <strong>for</strong>ce, include:<br />
– Active labour market policies raising the pension age<br />
– Making early retirement financially less attr<strong>active</strong> and making work pay<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
– Adjusting pension systems to discourage early retirement<br />
– Initiatives by the social partners<br />
Conclusions<br />
Jaap de Koning concluded that population <strong>ageing</strong> will almost certainly entail economic problems. Since many of<br />
the effects mentioned above will depend on the behavioural reactions of employers and workers, it is difficult to<br />
predict the extent of these problems. He reiterated the need <strong>for</strong> reducing incentives to early retirement and<br />
raising the incentives to remain in work or return to work among the 50-65 year-olds. He emphasised the need<br />
to complement incentives to employees with incentives to employers to take on or keep on older workers. He<br />
pointed out that empirical evaluations show that <strong>active</strong> labour market measures can also be very effective <strong>for</strong><br />
this age group. Finally, he stated that further research was needed into the interaction between measures and<br />
their unintended side-effects.<br />
4. Country examples – the United Kingdom and the Netherlands<br />
The country examples of the United Kingdom and the Netherlands had the specific aim of complementing the<br />
introductory paper by Jaap de Koning. The UK example focused on the British strategy of extending working life<br />
and the Dutch example concentrated on policies in the Netherlands aimed at improving the financial incentives<br />
<strong>for</strong> workers to retire later and <strong>for</strong> employers to retain older workers.<br />
4.1 The United Kingdom<br />
The UK strategy <strong>for</strong> extending working life was presented by James Elder from the Department <strong>for</strong> Work and<br />
Pensions. Of the 8.8 million people aged between 50 and state pension age 3 , 70.7% are in employment (a high<br />
rate compared with the European average), 2.1% are unemployed, and 27.2% are in<strong>active</strong>. 1.7million of this<br />
group are claiming benefits. A relatively high proportion of those people over 50 in employment are selfemployed.<br />
The evidence suggests that, in Britain, the decision to retire is largely a financial one and one taken<br />
at a household level with couples typically wanting to retire at the same time. There are marked regional<br />
differences in the employment rates of older people between, with the regions traditionally dominated by heavy<br />
industry (e.g. the North-East) have the lowest employment rates <strong>for</strong> people aged 50-plus , and the South-East<br />
and the South-West the highest. James Elder posed the question of why older people have lower than average<br />
employment rates, and argued that like most countries in the EU, the UK had, until recently, a culture of early<br />
retirement, which has only recently begun to be eroded. It is also no longer attr<strong>active</strong> <strong>for</strong> companies to<br />
restructure using early retirement as a tool and it is more difficult <strong>for</strong> workers to claim sickness and incapacity<br />
benefits. Age discrimination is still prevalent and endemic, however, and was described as 'the last sociallytolerated<br />
<strong>for</strong>m of discrimination' in the UK. The caring roles of older workers (e.g. <strong>for</strong> <strong>ageing</strong> parents) should also<br />
not be underestimated as a factor contributing to their lower employment rates.<br />
Research shows that the reasons older people tend to give <strong>for</strong> early labour market exit are ill-health (46%),<br />
redundancy (16%) and to spend time with partner or family (11%). A high proportion do not leave the labour<br />
market through their own wishes, however, and 60% are involuntarily out of work.<br />
The reasons older people give <strong>for</strong> not seeking work are mainly health reasons (50%), because they regard<br />
themselves as retired or because financially they do not need to work (22%), care duties (12%) and inability to<br />
find a job (2%).<br />
3 i.e. 50-64 <strong>for</strong> men and 50-59 <strong>for</strong> women.<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
Qualifications are a decisive influence on the labour market participation of older workers, with better educated<br />
people having higher rates of employment at all ages. Levels of education are gradually changing, with<br />
significantly more people from 50 to state pension age with qualifications nowadays than in the early 1990s.<br />
Older workers are, however, still less likely to be offered training by their employers and less likely to take the<br />
opportunity to train. Despite this, there is evidence to suggest that the skills and experience of older workers<br />
makes up <strong>for</strong> their relative lack of qualifications.<br />
Given the above picture, what is the rationale <strong>for</strong> UK government involvement? Firstly, the government is<br />
interested because of economic contribution effects. Secondly, it is interested because of its role in pension<br />
provision, and thirdly because of its policy agenda of 'equality and opportunity <strong>for</strong> all'.<br />
The government response has been to introduce the target of raising the employment rate of the 50-69-yearolds.<br />
This will be achieved through a number of measures including: the New Deal 50-plus, a tailored <strong>active</strong><br />
labour market policy <strong>for</strong> over-50-year-olds involving advice, back-to-work support and financial support <strong>for</strong> inwork<br />
skills training; and the ‘Pathways to Work’ programme, a pilot scheme to get people on incapacity benefits<br />
back to work involving health and rehabilitation methods as well as advice and financial incentives. Further<br />
initiatives include ‘Age Positive’ and the ‘Employer Guidance Campaign’, campaigns which promote age<br />
diversity in the workplace and encourage employers to hire and keep on older workers. The government has<br />
also increased the options <strong>for</strong> deferring state pensions and has raised the minimum age <strong>for</strong> drawing a private<br />
pension to 55, and put <strong>for</strong>ward proposals to raise the public sector pension age to 65. It has also introduced the<br />
possibility of drawing a pension and continuing to work (e.g. part-time) <strong>for</strong> the same employer.<br />
In the field of skills, the government has developed a number of initiatives which, while not specifically targeted<br />
at older workers, will also be of benefit to many older workers. These include, the New Deal <strong>for</strong> Skills, the<br />
Employer Training Pilots (with financial support to SMEs who release their workers <strong>for</strong> training), the Trade Union<br />
Learning Fund, and the establishment of a range of sectoral, regional and local bodes whose responsibilities<br />
include the addressing of demographic change and skills needs. In conclusion, James Elder outlined the UK<br />
strategy <strong>for</strong> the future. In particular, there is a five-year plan which includes the target of an 80% all-age<br />
employment rate, which implies an extra million over-50s in work. The plan includes help <strong>for</strong> those out of work<br />
and support <strong>for</strong> retaining workers.<br />
4.2. The Netherlands<br />
Aart Jan Bette from the Dutch Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment started his intervention with a brief<br />
description of the development of the labour participation of older workers in the Netherlands, and the<br />
determinants of early retirement. He portrayed the institutional factors influencing the behaviours of employers<br />
and employees, and the recent financial policies that have been introduced to encourage the increased<br />
participation of older workers in the labour market.<br />
The participation rate of older workers in the Netherlands has increased steadily from 31.2% in 1999 to 39.8% in<br />
2004 (based on the Dutch definition, which counts only jobs of at least 12 hours a week. Using the EU definition<br />
(which counts all jobs), then a participation rate of 45% can be expected by 2007. The reasons <strong>for</strong> this rise are<br />
twofold: the first is demographic (among 55-64 year-olds, the share of relatively <strong>active</strong> persons in the age group<br />
55-59 has been rising) and the second is behavioural (an overall trend to retire later).<br />
The behaviour of employees and employers regarding early retirement is partly determined by institutional<br />
factors and incentives to retire. Employees will weigh up the gains in terms of leisure compared to the relative<br />
decline in income, and employers will weigh up the cost of separation in relation to the investments needed to<br />
retain workers and the differences between productivity and pay. The policy challenge is to redesign institutional<br />
arrangements so as to internalise the costs <strong>for</strong> society of individual decisions on early retirement.<br />
In the Netherlands, policy measures have been introduced in the areas covering the three main exit routes <strong>for</strong><br />
older workers from the labour market: early retirement and pre-pension schemes, unemployment benefit<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
schemes, and disability benefit schemes. In November 2004, the government and social partners reached an<br />
agreement on re<strong>for</strong>ms of early retirement schemes and disability benefit schemes. Changes are also expected<br />
in unemployment benefit schemes, pending the advice of the Dutch Social Economic Council.<br />
Early retirement and pre-pension schemes<br />
In the Netherlands, two broad types of early retirement scheme exist: voluntary early retirement schemes (VUT)<br />
and pre-pension schemes. VUT schemes were popular in the 1980s as a means to allow older workers to retire<br />
to make room <strong>for</strong> younger workers. They were financed on a pay-as-you-go basis and were there<strong>for</strong>e an<br />
expensive burden on workers remaining in the labour market. In most cases they presented no incentives to<br />
work longer since the benefit levels were largely independent of the number of years of contributions made. In<br />
addition, VUT schemes benefited from a favourable tax treatment.<br />
In the second half of the 1990s, the VUT schemes were gradually trans<strong>for</strong>med into more actuarially fair prepension<br />
schemes on a funded basis. Early retirement was thereby no longer made so attr<strong>active</strong> in comparison to<br />
working longer, but contributions under the trans<strong>for</strong>med schemes still benefited from a favourable tax treatment.<br />
In November 2004, however, the government reached an agreement with the social partners that the favourable<br />
tax treatment of collective early retirement schemes will end. Under the new system a distinction is made<br />
between the taxation of the funded pre-pension schemes and that of the pay-as-you-go VUT schemes. The<br />
entitlements under the funded pre-pensions are covered by the capital saved in the fund. Contributions are no<br />
longer tax-deductible and the capital in the fund is taxed under existing rules <strong>for</strong> wealth tax. The introduction of<br />
the new rules has been softened by transition periods (up to 2011) and exempted groups (over 55 year-olds). It<br />
is also still possible to retire early under the regular old age pensions schemes, on condition of actuarial<br />
fairness. A further option is the new 'individual life course saving scheme'. This scheme can be used to take time<br />
off <strong>for</strong> family obligations or <strong>for</strong> early retirement. It differs from current early retirement schemes in that it is<br />
individually-based (rather than collective) and fully-funded.<br />
Disability benefit scheme<br />
The second, and perhaps the most used, route <strong>for</strong> early retirement is the disability benefit scheme.<br />
In 2005, legislation <strong>for</strong> a new system of occupational disability schemes will be finalised and should come into<br />
effect on 1 st January 2006. The new system gives more responsibility to the employer and to the employee<br />
during the first two years of illness. The employer has to continue to pay wages <strong>for</strong> two years, and occupational<br />
disability benefit is granted only to those considered permanently unfit <strong>for</strong> work. For people who are considered<br />
partially unfit <strong>for</strong> work, benefits are dependent on them using their remaining capacity to work to their full ability.<br />
Despite the stricter regulations and restrictions, benefits will remain high <strong>for</strong> those who are considered unfit <strong>for</strong><br />
work.<br />
Unemployment benefit scheme<br />
The third exit route <strong>for</strong> older workers is unemployment benefits. These are relatively generous and long in<br />
duration in the Netherlands (equal to 70% of last wage, and paid <strong>for</strong> up to a maximum of five years). Until<br />
recently, the unemployed could benefit from a follow-up benefit after the expiration of the unemployment benefit.<br />
This was set at 70% of the minimum wage and workers over 57.5 years of age were entitled to this benefit until<br />
retirement age. Unemployed people over 57.5 years of age were also not obliged to continue to look <strong>for</strong> work. In<br />
effect, the scheme provided a route to early retirement <strong>for</strong> workers over 57.5 years old. The follow-up benefit<br />
was abolished in August 2003. The obligation to look <strong>for</strong> work was re-introduced in January 2004. Further<br />
re<strong>for</strong>ms are pending the advice of the Social Economic Council in April 2005.<br />
In his conclusion, Aart Jan Bette emphasised the role of the social partners in the process of re<strong>for</strong>ming the<br />
benefit systems to discourage early retirement. The impact of legislation on behaviour is largely dependent on<br />
the negotiations between employers and employees. A further policy lesson from the Dutch example is that a<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
holistic approach to policy re<strong>for</strong>m is needed to prevent a substitution effect of one exit route <strong>for</strong> another. Finally,<br />
the reduction of financial incentives to early retirement is a key element in the ef<strong>for</strong>ts to encourage participation,<br />
but it should be emphasised that they are not the only incentives that can be effective.<br />
5. Thematic Expert paper<br />
“Strategies to promote employability of older workers” – Philip Taylor<br />
In his paper, Philip Taylor considered the issues of extending working lives and of promoting age equality in the<br />
labour market. He first described the history of older workers and the labour market, then the imperative <strong>for</strong><br />
change, posed by labour shortages and the potential unsustainability of pension systems, concluding with an<br />
overview of possible solutions in the <strong>for</strong>m of new policies <strong>for</strong> older workers.<br />
History<br />
Regarding the history of older workers and the labour market Philip Taylor emphasised the collusion between<br />
government, social partners and older workers on early retirement. There has been widespread utilisation of<br />
other exit routes, e.g. disability benefits and unemployment benefits. He also remarked on the endemic ageism<br />
in the labour market, although individual employers often have a very positive attitude towards older workers.<br />
He also emphasised that the decline in the labour <strong>for</strong>ce participation of older workers has been long-term. The<br />
following table shows how the rates have changed in the EU-15 and in the USA and Japan.<br />
Labour <strong>for</strong>ce participation rates among people aged 55-64<br />
Men<br />
Women<br />
1979 1983 1990 1995 2000 2003 1979 1983 1990 1995 2000 2003<br />
Austria - - - 42.6 44.5 42.3 - - - 18.8 18.9 20.0<br />
Belgium - 50.6 35.4 35.9 36.3 39.4 - 12.3 9.9 13.3 15.8 18.0<br />
Denmark - 67.2 69.2 67.9 64.5 70.8 - 41.7 45.8 40.1 48.2 55.2<br />
Finland 56.3 54.1 47.1 41.6 48.1 55.8 41.3 47.4 40.8 42.9 45.2 52.4<br />
France 69.9 53.6 45.8 41.5 41.6 - 39.0 32.7 31.1 30.9 32.9 -<br />
Germany 66.9 63.1 58.3 52.7 55.2 52.0 28.4 26.3 27.5 28.1 34.1 34.3<br />
Greece - 70.8 59.5 61.1 57.3 60.7 - 25.7 24.3 24.5 25.5 26.8<br />
Ireland 77.9 78.0 65.1 63.9 64.7 66.5 20.1 20.2 19.9 21.2 27.8 34.1<br />
Italy 37.6 36.8 51.7 44.1 42.2 44.4 10.5 10.5 15.0 13.8 15.9 19.3<br />
Luxembourg - 37.8 43.2 35.1 38.6 - - 14.7 13.8 13.3 16.8 -<br />
Netherlands 65.3 54.2 45.7 41.4 50.8 58.7 14.4 14.4 16.7 18.6 26.4 32.9<br />
Portugal 75.6 70.4 66.5 60.7 65.0 64.7 32.4 33.7 32.3 34.3 43.4 43.5<br />
Spain 77.6 71.5 62.4 54.9 60.3 62.9 21.9 20.3 19.5 19.9 22.7 25.8<br />
Sweden 79.2 77.0 75.3 70.4 72.8 75.5 54.5 59.7 65.8 63.4 65.9 69.5<br />
UK - 71.5 68.1 62.4 63.3 67.9 - - 38.7 40.8 42.6 47.3<br />
EU - - 56.6 51.5 53.0 56.4 - - 26.5 27.0 31.0 33.7<br />
Japan 85.2 84.7 83.3 84.8 84.1 83.0 45.4 46.1 47.2 48.5 49.7 49.3<br />
USA 72.8 69.4 67.8 66.0 67.3 68.7 41.7 41.5 45.2 49.2 51.8 56.6<br />
Source: OECD Employment Outlook (various)<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
The imperative<br />
There are increasing concerns in the EU over the effects of population <strong>ageing</strong>, and the sustainability of pension<br />
systems and labour supply. Population <strong>ageing</strong> may result in a slowing of labour <strong>for</strong>ce growth, increased<br />
dependency rates and a 'greying' of the labour <strong>for</strong>ce. The policy response has so far concentrated mainly on the<br />
re<strong>for</strong>m of retirement income systems, with a move away from early retirement schemes towards flexible <strong>for</strong>ms of<br />
retirement. Governments are emphasising the importance of having a mixed-age labour <strong>for</strong>ce but are making<br />
few policy ef<strong>for</strong>ts in the direction of <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong>. The emphasis has been more on removing incentives to retire<br />
early rather than on encouraging people to remain in work <strong>for</strong> longer. There are still conflicting policies in some<br />
countries (e.g. in the Netherlands where the initiative <strong>for</strong> longer working lives was undermined by a senior<br />
minister calling <strong>for</strong> early retirement from the civil service), but others have managed to introduce integrated<br />
policy packages, e.g. Finland and the UK.<br />
In particular, Finland’s Programme on Ageing Workers is an integrated programme which brought together<br />
different ministries and the social partners to initiate a wide range of measures, e.g. awareness-raising, business<br />
support, flexible retirement arrangements, support to health professionals, support <strong>for</strong> older workers themselves,<br />
and legislative and pension re<strong>for</strong>ms 4 .<br />
The UK established a Ministerial Group <strong>for</strong> Older People to co-ordinate work across government departments,<br />
but despite some progress in joining up policy, more needs to be done to co-ordinate policies in some areas.<br />
Policy solutions<br />
Philip Taylor went on to outline a number of public policies and collective agreements at EU level. The EU Equal<br />
Treatment Directive has been implemented in a rather piecemeal fashion. Some countries already had<br />
legislation outlawing age discrimination be<strong>for</strong>e the Directive was introduced, e.g. Finland and, outside the EU,<br />
the USA, some Australian states, Canada and Japan. Elsewhere, older workers have specific protection against<br />
dismissal fixed in collective agreements though not all workers are covered, e.g. Germany. There is limited<br />
evidence to date on the impact of legislation. However, legislation appears to have largely eliminated overt<br />
discrimination, although research results point to modest effects on employment rates.<br />
Awareness raising<br />
One of the main challenges in encouraging the participation of older workers in the labour market is changing<br />
attitudes. Awareness-raising and business support has been introduced with some success in the UK, Germany,<br />
Denmark, Finland and the Netherlands. The UK has a Code of Practice on Age Diversity <strong>for</strong> employers and the<br />
Age Positive campaign. The Danish government has sponsored seminars on age and employment <strong>for</strong> business.<br />
The Finnish Programme on Ageing Workers contained free support to small firms and the Netherlands has<br />
campaigning bodies – the National Office Against Age Discrimination and the Task<strong>for</strong>ce on Ageing Workers –<br />
working in the field of awareness-raising. Evidence suggests that the results of such campaigns are positive but<br />
modest.<br />
Active labour market policy<br />
Active labour market policies targeting older workers are beginning to emerge. In the UK, the New Deal 50 Plus<br />
was introduced in 2000 <strong>for</strong> those out of work <strong>for</strong> six months or more. Participation in the programme is voluntary<br />
and open to those on any kind of benefit as well as to those who are registered unemployed. It offers practical<br />
help from a personal adviser regarding job search skills, travel costs <strong>for</strong> interviews, work trials, and an in-work<br />
training grant.<br />
4 The Finish Programme on Ageing Workers has been the subject of two Peer Reviews. The Summaries of the Reviews and<br />
the expert papers can be found on the MLP website under http://www.<strong>mutual</strong>-<strong>learning</strong>-employment.net<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
Lifelong <strong>learning</strong><br />
Lifelong <strong>learning</strong> is a further factor in raising participation in the labour market. France has an inter-sectoral<br />
agreement between the social partners concerning lifelong <strong>learning</strong>. Employees with 20 years’ work experience<br />
and all employees over 45 are eligible <strong>for</strong> a skills audit after having been with their employer <strong>for</strong> 12 months.<br />
They are given prioritised access to the recognition of their work experience. After two years, they are eligible <strong>for</strong><br />
a careers guidance interview within their company. They get a ‘Training Passport’ which remains in their<br />
possession. The agreement also establishes a 20 hour annual training entitlement with no age limit, and<br />
employees who lose their jobs can keep their unused credit. The key question is whether such a policy will be<br />
effective in a strong exit culture such as that found in France.<br />
Framing policy<br />
Philip Taylor stressed that policy needs to be integrated and strategic. Ageism is not just a matter of individual<br />
prejudice; it is institutionalised in the labour market and other social and economic systems. Active <strong>ageing</strong> is<br />
also more than just about work. What is needed is ‘joined-up policy-making’ – to coin a British phrase – in which<br />
different strands of government are drawn together. It would also appear that a more holistic, life-course<br />
approach to <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong> is the way <strong>for</strong>ward rather than an age-specific approach. A preventative approach is<br />
also better than a remedial one although, given the current situation, the latter is now also necessary. Localised,<br />
bottom-up initiatives should also be encouraged, e.g. outreach and community work. Firms need tailored<br />
solutions, and sector bodies and trade unions should be encouraged to come up with such initiatives.<br />
In conclusion, Philip Taylor warned that closing doors to early exit may result in some older workers being <strong>for</strong>ced<br />
into low status and insecure employment, while others with remote job prospects may be denied a dignified exit<br />
from the labour market.<br />
6. Country examples – Germany and Sweden<br />
The country examples from Germany and Sweden provided concrete examples of <strong>strategies</strong> to promote the<br />
employability of older workers.<br />
6.1. Germany<br />
Peter Jülicher from the Federal Ministry of Economy and Labour in Germany first described the situation in<br />
Germany, which has an employment rate <strong>for</strong> older workers which is still below the EU average (Germany 39.5%<br />
and EU 40.2% in 2003) in spite of an upward trend in recent years. In the year 2004, a rise of 2% in the<br />
employment rate was registered. The aim in Germany is to raise employment rates to 50%, in line with the<br />
European Employment Strategy target. A further aim is to raise the average effective age of exit from the labour<br />
market by five years.<br />
The strategy in Germany is to reduce the incentives to retire early (e.g. by re<strong>for</strong>ming the retirement system, by<br />
introducing a 'stick and carrot' system, by reducing the duration of unemployment benefits from 32 to 18 months<br />
from 2006); to develop <strong>active</strong> labour market policy <strong>for</strong> the integration of older workers and to raise awareness.<br />
The German Federal Government in co-operation with the Länder, the social insurance institutions and the<br />
social partners introduced an awareness-raising initiative, INQA (Initiative Neue Qualität der Arbeit), with the aim<br />
of promoting a 'new quality of work' <strong>for</strong> older workers, which is seen as having the following ingredients:<br />
– flexible working conditions<br />
– lifelong <strong>learning</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
– health protection<br />
– improvement of workplaces<br />
– ensuring the employability of older workers<br />
In an ef<strong>for</strong>t to change attitudes from a 'deficit model' to a 'competence model' of older workers, the INQA offers a<br />
very broad range of activities <strong>for</strong> companies and individuals. To ensure the employability of older workers it<br />
introduced the initiative '30, 40, 50 plus – healthy work into old age' which collects and disseminates good<br />
practice on enhancing the employability of older workers, promotes networking between numerous institutions<br />
with projects and activities on demographic change, and advises SMEs on the management of demographic<br />
change within the company. The campaign has reached approximately 30,000 companies to date including Ford<br />
Cologne and Rowenta.<br />
A range of <strong>active</strong> labour market policy measures has also been introduced in Germany. These include<br />
vocational training <strong>for</strong> older workers in SMEs, job rotation, recruitment subsidies <strong>for</strong> older workers, and wage<br />
safeguards <strong>for</strong> older workers. The take-up of these initiatives was seen as somewhat disappointing with only<br />
80,000 older workers participating. The government’s aim is to encourage more companies to take up these<br />
measures.<br />
In conclusion, Peter Jülicher argued that a lot had been done but that no fundamental change of attitude had yet<br />
taken place. In March 2005, in a continuation of the 'Agenda 2010' initiative, the Federal Chancellor announced<br />
the introduction of employment pacts <strong>for</strong> older workers. Negotiations will start with employers in April regarding<br />
the better use of labour market policy instruments <strong>for</strong> the reintegration of older workers. The possibility of<br />
creating 50,000 additional jobs is being discussed with the Länder, and a competition <strong>for</strong> good practices in <strong>active</strong><br />
<strong>ageing</strong> at regional level is to be launched.<br />
6.2. Sweden<br />
Carina Cronsoie from the Ministry of Industry, Employment and Communications described the labour market<br />
situation of older workers in Sweden be<strong>for</strong>e outlining the policies in place to promote the labour <strong>for</strong>ce<br />
participation of older workers.<br />
The situation of older workers on the labour market<br />
The employment rate of older workers, in particular that of women, is still very high by international standards<br />
(68.6% overall, 66.3% <strong>for</strong> women, 70.8% <strong>for</strong> men in 2004). The high percentage of older people in employment<br />
is partly due to a cohort effect: baby-boomers who joined the labour <strong>for</strong>ce in the 1960s have stayed in<br />
employment. It is also due to the rising levels of education of the new generation of older workers (due to better<br />
initial education and lifelong <strong>learning</strong>), and is rein<strong>for</strong>ced by labour legislation which stipulates 'last in, first out'<br />
which mostly benefits older employees. The latter can, however, lead to reduced mobility since workers are<br />
reluctant to leave secure jobs even if they are no longer really suitable. Job mobility is recognised as giving<br />
people opportunities to develop new skills and improve their employability. A further explanation <strong>for</strong> the high<br />
levels of employment in Sweden is the long history of commitment to the work and skills principle, alongside<br />
<strong>active</strong> labour market policies targeted at older workers. Employment in Swedish labour market policy has always<br />
taken precedence over labour market programmes or the passive payment of benefits. Other relevant features<br />
of the Swedish institutional landscape are an individualised tax system that makes work pay, also <strong>for</strong> older<br />
women, and well-developed public care systems <strong>for</strong> children and old people.<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
Policy response<br />
In spite of a very positive track record, Sweden is <strong>active</strong>ly promoting an <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong> policy which concentrates<br />
on promoting employability and health in the workplace. A relatively high percentage of people who exit the<br />
labour market early do so <strong>for</strong> health reasons, and their main source of income after leaving the work<strong>for</strong>ce is<br />
sickness or disability benefit. There is also a trend toward longer sick leaves with a correlated rise in the<br />
likelihood of exiting the labour market early if nothing is done to adapt the workplace or the activity to the<br />
changing needs of older workers.<br />
Changes have been introduced in recent years to the social security system to discourage early retirement by<br />
promoting <strong>active</strong> labour market policy and work-related rehabilitation.<br />
Pension system<br />
The nature of the pension system is a major factor in the decision of older workers to remain in the work<strong>for</strong>ce.<br />
Sweden’s new pension system will no longer limit the period during which contributions can be made. The<br />
earliest retirement age will be set at 61 and there will be no upper limit. The compulsory retirement age was<br />
already raised from 65 to 67 in 2001. It will also be possible to combine drawing a pension and working parttime,<br />
thus postponing the final retirement age. A special commission has been assigned the task of drawing up a<br />
proposal <strong>for</strong> legislation on this issue by December 2005.<br />
'Career transition agreements' are a further initiative deserving a mention here. These were developed by<br />
employer organisations and the trade unions and can be seen as complementing and assisting labour market<br />
policy. They provide <strong>active</strong> support <strong>for</strong> redundant workers in the <strong>for</strong>m of collective agreements whose purpose is<br />
to help such workers find new jobs. They include various transition measures, from job-seeking advice and<br />
counselling to employment training and support <strong>for</strong> people to set up their own business. Evaluations have shown<br />
the career transition agreements to have positive effects: the risk of unemployment is reduced and most<br />
employees find a new job in a relatively short space of time.<br />
Labour market policy<br />
The unemployment rate among older workers is still below average in Sweden and falling. However, older<br />
workers who lose their job find it difficult to find another one. Approximately 50% of the long-term unemployed<br />
are over the age of 55. As in other countries, this is still a major problem in Sweden and although there are no<br />
specific measures <strong>for</strong> older workers in Sweden, the matter is given special attention in the framework of <strong>active</strong><br />
labour market policy.<br />
In this context, one useful tool is the Activity Guarantee. This is a full-time programme <strong>for</strong> the long-term<br />
unemployed which is intended to break the vicious cycle between labour market programmes and<br />
unemployment benefit by providing a stable and sustainable full-time activity until participants can find a job. It<br />
involves the <strong>for</strong>mulation of an individual action plan and can include all the traditional labour market measures<br />
such as training, rehabilitation and work experience. An important feature of the Activity Guarantee programme<br />
is co-operation between the business community, the municipalities, state employers and the trade unions. Also<br />
worth mentioning is 'Forum 50 plus', a non governmental organisation which runs a project <strong>for</strong> unemployed<br />
people over 50 in co-operation with the public employment service and the social partners.<br />
Carina Cronsioe concluded by emphasising the responsibility of government to carry out research into older<br />
workers in the labour market, and to ensure that Sweden’s policies and labour market continue to be inclusive<br />
and open to people of all ages. Age diversity and inter-generational management will become increasingly<br />
important in future to avoid conflicts between older and younger workers.<br />
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SUMMARY<br />
7. Panel Discussion<br />
The final session of the Thematic Review seminar was devoted to a panel discussion of key issues from the<br />
seminar with representatives from UNICE, ETUC and the OECD. Józef Niemiec, Confederal Secretary of the<br />
European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) opened the discussion by briefly outlining the position of the<br />
ETUC on the issues raised during the meeting so far. The first was the issue of quality of work and flexibility. It<br />
was important to maintain high quality jobs while encouraging flexibility in the work<strong>for</strong>ce. He emphasised<br />
regional differences regarding the situation of older workers in the labour market, and regarding policy<br />
approaches. Even within one country, approaches could vary widely between regions. From the point of view of<br />
the trade unions, lifelong <strong>learning</strong> was seen as a key factor contributing to employability and should be started<br />
young. Health was also an issue which should not be reserved <strong>for</strong> older workers. The ETUC is in favour of an<br />
inter-generational approach which avoids segmentation and discrimination. Józef Niemiec pointed out that those<br />
member states which had managed to raise the employment rates of older workers also had relatively high rates<br />
of youth and female employment. He argued that there was too much concentration on financial questions and<br />
not enough on fiscal issues. The fiscal system puts companies with a large work<strong>for</strong>ce at a disadvantage. While it<br />
was important to re<strong>for</strong>m pension systems, the pre-pension schemes should not be completely discarded in<br />
certain specific cases. Józef Niemiec was of the opinion that raising the retirement age was not yet an issue.<br />
Rather, he argued that it was more important to get those under retirement age but in<strong>active</strong> back into the labour<br />
<strong>for</strong>ce. On the use of disincentives to early retirement, reductions in the duration of unemployment benefits or the<br />
practice of adapting salaries to per<strong>for</strong>mance and productivity, he remarked that these were not very positive <strong>for</strong><br />
older workers. A further social dialogue on these themes was essential, in his view.<br />
Thérèse de Liederkerke from UNICE (Union des Industries de la Communauté Européenne) began her<br />
statement with a reminder that although it is right to take a European perspective on the issue of <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong>, it<br />
is important not to <strong>for</strong>get that Europe and its workers are heterogeneous. She posed the question of whether it<br />
made sense to think in terms of older workers as one group, and argued that their situation in the labour market<br />
was influenced by their initial education, training, careers and policy. Regarding anti-discrimination legislation,<br />
she argued that it would often be irrational <strong>for</strong> employers to employ an older person given the legal framework<br />
and that anti-discrimination legislation was not the answer. However, the current European Employment<br />
Strategy appears to be going in the right direction, in particular the emphasis on a preventive, lifecycle approach.<br />
She argued in favour of moving towards per<strong>for</strong>mance models of pay – which would not, of course, necessarily<br />
benefit older workers in terms of remuneration, but may make them more employable. She also argued in favour<br />
of re<strong>for</strong>ming social security systems to avoid pre-pension traps. Finally, she raised the care issue e.g. of <strong>ageing</strong><br />
parents (in-law) which keeps older women out of the labour market. She argued that men also have parents and<br />
that caring <strong>for</strong> them should also be their concern.<br />
Martin Kees, head of the older workers team at the OECD provided some insight into the work of the OECD into<br />
<strong>ageing</strong>. A study is being carried out involving 21 OECD countries. It shows that while pension re<strong>for</strong>ms will<br />
influence early retirement, they are not the only factor. Older workers face barriers to employment which must<br />
also be dealt with. He emphasised the need <strong>for</strong> a comprehensive approach, tackling barriers to employment at<br />
macro- and micro-economic levels. Policies need to be put in place that encourage growth and ensure that the<br />
full potential of the work<strong>for</strong>ce is being used. Policy packages need to be tailored to individual countries, regions<br />
and people. The OECD recommends a lifecycle approach which concentrates on the two major issues of<br />
working conditions and lifelong <strong>learning</strong>. It warns against focusing on the age issue too much and recommends<br />
focusing on other factors affecting employability. Martin Kees also raised the issue of the side-effects of policies,<br />
e.g. employment protection. He also appealed to the audience to consider the issue from a more positive angle:<br />
we have population <strong>ageing</strong> because we are all living longer!<br />
20 April 2005 Thematic Review Seminar <strong>Comprehensive</strong> <strong>strategies</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong><br />
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SUMMARY<br />
In the ensuing discussion, the question of productivity and age was discussed at some length. In the view of<br />
some experts, much of the research on age and productivity is flawed, but it was generally agreed that<br />
productivity does appear to decline with age in some areas of activity and that some sectors of the economy are<br />
more affected by this than others. Job mobility could be the solution.<br />
The issue of ‘comprehensive re<strong>for</strong>ms’ was also discussed. The view was expressed that re<strong>for</strong>ms happen<br />
incrementally and not all at once and it can be, there<strong>for</strong>e, a little misleading to talk about ‘comprehensive<br />
re<strong>for</strong>ms’. However, the important thing is that the re<strong>for</strong>ms happen in a logical order which takes account of other<br />
activities and policies that are being implemented. How different policies are combined in an overall package is<br />
an important issue (E.g. it is rather pointless to offer training to older workers while still encouraging early<br />
retirement.).<br />
The question was also raised of what to do with unemployed workers over 60 who had very few job prospects.<br />
In this context it was argued that programmes to encourage economic growth are required on the one hand and<br />
<strong>active</strong> labour market measures on the other, to re-integrate people of all ages, and it would set a negative<br />
precedent to 'give up on people' on account of their age.<br />
A further issue <strong>for</strong> debate was the question of age discrimination legislation was also discussed, and the UNICE<br />
representative argued that, while it is discriminating to stipulate a specific age in a job advertisement, employers<br />
should have the right to ask <strong>for</strong> the kind of person and levels of experience they need. Legislation will not<br />
change this situation.<br />
The question was also posed of what we can learn from the USA which is often presented as a good practice<br />
example when it comes to <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong> or at least to high employment rates among older workers. Martin Kees<br />
from the OECD mentioned the flexible retirement system and the positive incentives to keep working in the US<br />
system – although it is also the case that many older people can quite simply not af<strong>for</strong>d to stop working. There is<br />
also a cultural difference between the continental European outlook on retirement and the Anglo-Saxon<br />
approach. The USA, <strong>for</strong> example, never promoted a culture of early retirement and people want to and expect to<br />
retire much later in the USA than in Europe.<br />
8. Conclusions<br />
Antonis Kastrissianakis from the European Commission closed the meeting. He concluded that the importance<br />
of the issue of <strong>active</strong> <strong>ageing</strong> based on a life cycle perspective is reflected in the integrated guidelines of the<br />
renewed Lisbon Strategy. The EU risks losing 20 million jobs on account of demographic change and this will<br />
pose a major problem to the European economy. The Lisbon target is to reach an employment rate of 50 per<br />
cent <strong>for</strong> older workers (by 2010) which means, in turn, creating 7 million jobs <strong>for</strong> older people. A further aim is to<br />
raise the average age of exit from the labour market by five years. This needs a comprehensive strategy<br />
including making work pay, better working conditions, updating skills and making better use of <strong>active</strong> labour<br />
market policy measures <strong>for</strong> older workers.<br />
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