Runaway Tourism

Runaway Tourism
John Tribe, 1
University of Surrey - UK
Abstract:
This article offers an exploratory analysis of the concept of Runaway Tourism, a term
appropriated from the sociologist Anthony Giddens. Runaway Tourism describes a situation
where attempts creating a planned future are swamped by the magnitude of the unfettered
free market in tourism. One by-product of Runaway Tourism is Rampant Tourism a
phenomenon which is evident from a media analysis of two resorts – Faliraki in Greece and
Newquay in the UK. It is argued that the characteristics of Rampant Tourists extend beyond
the category of Raver as suggested by Wickens and that the motif of Rampant Tourists is a
revised form of the traditional 3Ss of tourism that are replaced by Sin, “C” and Sounds. A
number of issues arising from Rampant Tourism are discussed and some pointers offered for
the planning and management of this phenomenon. Keywords: Runaway tourism, rampant
tourism, planning, management.
INTRODUCTION
This article offers an exploratory analysis of a contemporary issue in tourism. First,
the balance between unplanned market outcomes and planned ends in tourism is
explored. The overwhelming power and unpredictability of the former is posited to
result in what is termed “Runaway Tourism”. Second, the operation of Runaway
Tourism in two case study destinations (Faliraki and Newquay) is analysed through
newspaper narratives by which the phenomenon of Rampant Tourism is discerned. It
is argued that there has been a displacement of the traditional 3 Ss of tourism in
these resorts by three new Ss. The consequences of these changes for the
destinations are discussed and some possible lessons for planning and management
of Rampant Tourism are drawn.
The method deployed in this study was to assemble evidence drawn from UK media
(newspapers and the BBC). It is recognised that such evidence may present a partial
picture of “the truth”. Nevertheless it was found that the persistent telling of this
version of events constituted the emergence and perpetuation of a particular
1
Prof. John Tribe is a Professor of Tourism, in the School of Management, University of Surrey, Guildford, Surrey,
UK.

discourse of tourism in these resorts so that this narrative was worthy of study in its
own right.
RUNAWAY TOURISM
The words planning (Gunn, 1994) and development (Pearce, 1995) suggest an
interest in and an ability to affect the way in which tourism will be delivered in the
future. They further suggest that there are particular ends that have been thought out
to which development is direct. Against this notion of a world that can be planned, the
sociologist Anthony Giddens (2002) employed the term Runaway World as the title
for a series of lectures and a book. He used the term to describe a world that was
developing quickly and out of our control. In many parts of the world tourism
proceeds in an essentially unplanned and barely controllable way. Hence it is
possible to appropriate Giddens’ idea to talk about Runaway Tourism. This is
because, like most products, tourism is delivered in a largely uncontrolled free market
environment which often precedes and overpowers attempts at planning and
management.
Let us rehearse the way in which a free market works. Its fundamental characteristics
are that the economic world is divided into the two groups of consumers and
producers. The mechanism that intermediates between these two groups is the
market. A majority of producers are located in the private sector and the incentive for
them to offer goods and services on the market is profit. Entrepreneurs (producers)
therefore bring together the factors of production at their disposal (land, labour and
capital) in search of the highest profit margins. On the other side of the equation
consumers have money to spend. Consumers effectively allocate money votes for
goods and services in the market and producers satisfy consumer preferences in
search for profits (Tribe, 2005).
All this gives rise to the very dynamic situation which we can witness in market
economies. As consumers change their purchase decisions, so producers respond
reducing production of less popular goods and services and increasing the
production of those where demand is increasing. In tourism we can witness this
dynamic system in operation. In Europe for example we can see the decline of the
traditional seaside resort in the UK. Here mass consumption turned instead initially in

favour of resorts in Spain, Italy and Greece. Indeed for a while a large section of the
mass tourism market was dominated by the wish fulfilment offered by the so-called 3
Ss – Sun, Sand and Sea. A destination offers a complex array of tourism (as well as
other) services. On the supply side it comprises a mix dominated by accommodation,
attractions, and providers of hospitability and entertainment. On the demand side are
tourists with spending power. Between them they are largely responsible for a
destination’s development.
In this paper two destinations are analysed in terms of the way the dynamics of the
free market create a particular form of Runaway Tourism. These destinations are
Faliraki in Greece and Torquay in the UK.
Faliraki is a beach resort on the island of Rhodes in Greece. It has gained a
particular notoriety in the UK and the following quotations demonstrate a range of
perceptions of the resort:
“Since the TV show Club Reps in 2002, the 10 miles of pristine beach, water
sports, fun fairs and churches have been wiped off the map and Faliraki has
become synonymous with Bar Street …The sheer volume of British
youngsters in search of a hedonistic, no-limits holiday has changed the face
of this lovely place” (Beverly Morris UK resident Faliraki,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/3162759.stm)
“One hell of a resort for the young with the emphasis on lazy days and crazy
nights … It is becoming big on the 18-30 circuit and therefore not
recommended for anyone wanting peace and quiet.”
(www.realholidayguides.com/ faliraki.htm)
“You often see people passed out on the pavement, vomit in the street, loud
swearing when young children are around ... It is mostly young adults that
converge on Faliraki and most have not been abroad by themselves before.
Strong, cheap booze and high spirits lead to some stupidity.” (Andrew,
Holiday Maker, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/3162759.stm)
“Paddy Doran ... died when he was stabbed with a broken bottle in a brawl in
Faliraki … The number of reported rapes perpetrated by tourists is also cause

for serious concern - there were 34 in 2002 alone.” (ww.bbc.co.uk/.../features/
faliraki_200803.shtml)
“Two British tourists forced their way into a girl's bedroom and shaved her
head after she spurned their sexual advances, it was revealed yesterday …
Greek police said the latest incident happened at the notorious Faliraki resort
on the island of Rhodes.” (Daily Mirror, Jul 14 2004)
“Smashing glasses and screams pierce the air, blue flashing police lights mix
with the garish nightclub neon. Half-naked women and tattooed, topless
young men stagger zombie like from bar to club as bored police watch from
the safety of their cars … A groaning man vomits into the gutter and a group
of expressionless teenage girls simply shrug and step over him. Welcome to
Faliraki on Rhodes, the fun-filled sex and booze Greek resort made famous
by TV documentaries - and the brutal murder this week of a young Irishman.”
(Daily Mirror, Aug 16 2003)
A similar picture emerges from an analysis of Newquay, a beach resort situated in
Cornwall, South West England where an article in the Sunday Times dubbed the
destination “Sin on Sea”
“Hundreds of screaming girls and lairy boys clog the town's main drag. All
display the most predictable and disgusting characteristic of British youth.
They are of the latrine-mouthed, boob-flashing variety and are desperate to
make this night memorable, no matter how low they sink in making a
spectacle of themselves … At only 24, I'm totally shocked by the language.
No one here appears capable of talking without swearing … The girls [are] ...
sporting slutty fashions more suitable for Mediterranean heat … I watch a girl
called Tracy dry-heaving into the gutter outside Buzios … Down a side street I
see a girl in her mid-teens defecating on the front wall of someone's garden.”
(Sunday Times, 18 July 2004)
“[Newquay is] a no-go area for most residents during the summer. The
headline in the local paper this week reads "Streets 'unsafe' for litter teams". I
have heard that some locals bet each year on the number of emmets whose

lives will be claimed by the combination of drink, drugs, sea and cliffs. (Letters
Page, Sunday Times, 25 July 2004).
“Pub and club owners in Newquay have been warned they will lose their
licences if there is a repeat of a ‘shocking’ programme screened on national
television, which depicted the worst excesses of Newquay’s nightlife. The
‘Booze Britain’ programme broadcast recently on Sky digital showed licensed
premises ‘flagrantly’ breaching their licensing conditions, according to the
council’s environmental services … The ‘Booze Britain’ programme followed a
group of five men on holiday in Newquay on a binge-drinking spree around
the town … The revellers are allowed to get so drunk they vomit in the places
they visit. … In one particularly ‘disturbing’ scene the group walks into a pasty
shop and one of the men who is naked urinates into a bucket …
Mr Hibbett [head of environment and health] said: "Although the programme
is disturbing it is a revealing insight into regular anti-social events in Newquay
… It shows why we are so concerned about Newquay’s night time economy.
"Excessive drinking and yobbish behaviour together with their lack of respect
for other people was displayed openly." (Newquay Voice, 20 April 2005)
How do these descriptions of tourists’ behaviour (Kozak, 2000) fit into classifications
found in the literature? Wickens’ (2002) study of tourists in a Kalimeria (a
pseudonymous resort) in Chalkidiki, Greece, clustered visitors into five types: the
Cultural Heritage, the Raver, the Shirley Valentine, the Heliolatrous, and the Lord
Byron. Clearly the tourists described above align closest to the “Raver” group which
Wickens describes as follows:
“A common theme among these participants was the perceived opportunities
“to be silly”. Phrases used by them to describe their expectations
included: “just looking for a good time”; “to have fun”; to “let my hair
down”; “to get drunk”; and to have “a casual fling and to enjoy myself”.
These participants were active and willing consumers of the sensual
pleasures made accessible by a two week packaged celebration of “the
here and now”. (Wickens, 2002:838)
However whilst Kalimeria could demonstrate a reasonable balance of tourists across
these types, Faliraki and Newquay have increasingly become associated with a

particular mutation of Wickens’ species of Ravers which we might term Rampants.
Rampants display a particular form of what Pearce (1995) described as
“cultural arrogance [which] is the continued practice of following one’s own
cultural rules while disregarding the sensitivities and reactions of the local
community” (cited in Scheyvens, 2002:220)
The motif of these Rampants seems to have drifted a long way from the 3 Ss of sun,
sea and sand. Indeed it would be possible to offer an alternative 3 Ss to describe
their new orientation. Sun sea and sand have turned into Sin, “C” (cocaine –
shorthand for drugs (and alcohol) in general) and Sound. What are the
characteristics of these new 3 Ss? The term “Sin” may be unpacked to encompass a
variety of anti-social and amoral behaviours. These include rowdy and noisy
behaviour, litter, vandalism, swearing, urinating and defecating in public, vomiting
and fighting. Some of these have been immortalised in the names of cocktails such
as “Sex on the Beach”, “Slow Comfortable Screw Up Against The Wall”, “Red
Headed Slut” and “Skip And Go Naked”. But these behaviours also extend into more
serious categories which include causing grievous bodily harm, sexual interference,
rape and even murder.
“C” denotes alcohol and drugs. Alcohol is sought and drunk in copious quantities.
Typical rituals here include the organised bar-crawl, drinking games, happy hours
and the sharing of “Goldfish bowl” cocktails. Those ordering a Goldfish Bowl receive
a large glass container filled with a strong alcoholic cocktail and a number of straws.
Needless to say a strong competitive element to drink the most arises. Ironically sun
and sea seem largely irrelevant to this new motif since the new 3S tourists have time
shifted by about 12 hours. Typically they do not go to bed until say five o’clock in the
morning and do not emerge from sleep until the afternoon. Indeed many of these
tourists return home without traditional sun tans and their paleness attests to their
nocturnal habits.
This is where the term “Sound” comes into play. Loud sound systems in clubs are a
key attraction. Running through all of these behaviours, youth seem to figure
strongly. In many cases this conception of youth means tourists who are travelling
independently of their parents for the first time. Interestingly, this scenario mirrors the
situation found in many UK towns where Foreman (2004) describes how public

leisure space has become both a metaphorical and an actual battleground between
the generations. Similarly Bromley and Nelson’s (2002) study of Worcester, UK
showed that alcohol was as a contributory factor in 48% of all harassment crimes;
36% of violent crime and 16% of criminal damage.
Indeed in the popular culture of the UK the term “Chav” has recently entered the
vocabulary to describe a particular sub-culture of youth that exhibits many of the
behaviours described above. There are numerous websites that have emerged which
focus entirely upon the Chav. The following account describes a Chav’s defining
characteristics:
“Not yet familiar with the term? Street-corner yobs that make you mildly
nervous when you have to pass them by. You might be calling them Townies,
Skangers, Scallies, Knackers, Heads, How-er-yiz etc. What's the defining
look? Think Burberry or white Nike baseball cap, various track-suit items, Von
Dutch Ts, sparkling white trainers, sovereign rings and multi-layered gold
white-boy-bling chains from Argos - always worn OVER the clothes ... no
matter what they're wearing. Think wizened old face (mostly users/recovering
users or at the very least heavy smokers) with added acne, think girls with
"Essex facelifts" (scraped off face, tight high scrunchie on top of the head,
rest of hair long and tightly permed), think gold hoop earrings, think
permanent summer attire.”
http://www.siglamag.com/blaggersguide/0412/Chavs.php)
Brunt and Brophy’s (2004) analysis of the deviant behaviours of tourists in English
seaside resorts found link between age and acts of deviance. Factors such as
nightlife, the use of drugs or alcohol and being away from home resulted in the
crimes of common assault, drug or alcohol abuse, and petty theft. They also suggest
a link between resort marketing and levels of deviant tourist behaviour. Marketing
that had repeated references to nightlife, party atmosphere, relaxed attitudes, fun
and excitement attracted a younger clientele and more acts of crime and deviance.
Beke and Elands (1995) research in the Netherlands found that recreational crime
was an essential ingredient of the tourism experience for some visitors.

ISSUES
The market is a huge and taken for granted part of our world. Although we often
appear to be subject to endless rules and regulations most decisions about how the
world develops are taken by the free market. Thus the market can exert considerably
more power in the development of tourism than planning frameworks do. The upside
of this is that it offers freedom of choice and responsiveness to consumer demand.
The downside is that it can deliver Runaway Tourism and Rampant Tourists. Tourism
destinations can find themselves at the mercy of market forces. In the case of Faliraki
and Newquay the market delivers them tourists who change the nature of the places
profoundly. The market mechanism is blind to any consideration other than
purchasing power. It is a-ethical, has no sense of aesthetics and rarely includes any
consideration of externalities or negative impacts. When it offers a goldfish bowl of
alcohol for a few Euros, none of the costs of anti-social behaviour associated with its
consumption are factored in.
Additionally markets are prone to rapid upswings or downswings. If a resort becomes
fashionable people arrive in hoards. The market can equally quickly empty a resort.
Indeed some commentators have likened the effects of markets in operation to a
Cowboy economy: Arrive, trash and leave. The free market therefore has no interest
in how tourism develops. Its major concern is the efficient delivery of services to
meet consumer demand – whatever that demand may be.
The globalisation of markets results in other effects. Consumers are empowered to
enter almost any part of the world. They can parachute into different cultures. In
some ways the issue of rowdy British tourists travelling to Faliraki can be likened to
the exporting of externalities since during the period that Rampant Tourists are
outside of the UK, the UK is freed of the impacts of their anti-social behaviour. The
globalising tendency also demonstrates a move towards a consumer, materialist
culture as illustrated by the following letter to the Sunday Times that seeks to explain
this kind of Runaway tourism:
“Why should anyone be surprised at the behaviour of the teenagers in
Newquay? After all, they get their values from a trashy culture that
uses sex to sell them everything from deodorant to doughnuts and

offers them celebrities whose behaviour is often less than exemplary
as role models. These malign influences constantly undermine my
efforts at instilling a sense of decency and self respect in my
children.” (Letter to Sunday Times, 25 July 2004)
There is also a strange sense echo of the Foucauldian notion of discourses
constituting, and being constituted by rampant tourists (Foucault, 1971). On the one
hand the discourses and the performances of tourists drawn to Faliraki and Newquay
help to constitute the kind of tourism that these places offer. But there is an added
dimension to this. These spaces become sites that constitute the tourists that come
to them. They become a kind of training ground for Rampant Tourists.
Neither should the role of the UK mass media be overlooked in this process. The socalled
Redtops – particularly The Sun, The Mirror and The Star sell largely on the
grounds of their ability to sensationalise and shock. Hence these papers are
constantly seeking demons to expose and to dwell upon with dedicated prurience. In
this way they capture people and places in their gaze (Urry 1990) and grip and
relentlessly ignore a balanced reportage of these objects, or an even handed
searching for the truth of the matter in favour of the imposition of a particular filter that
reports things in a particular way. Indeed this general press predilection for hyperbole
is captured by the following letter to the Sunday Times:
“I was woken on Sunday by my mother demanding an explanation. Had
your reporter and I been to the same place? During my week's stay in
Newquay I witnessed no fights and saw police outside every nightclub.
When the nightclubs closed at 2am my friend and I (both 17) felt
completely at ease walking home unaccompanied. In London we would not
even consider it. Articles such as these exacerbate the problem the
locals complain of: bad press.” (Letter to Sunday Times, 25 July 2004)
PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT
Is there anything that can be done to plan for, divert, manage (Laws, 1995) or
change rampant tourism? The two case studies presented here offer some clues
under the headings of planning, joined up action, laws and regulation, market
approaches, soft tools and ad-hoc approaches.

Planning
Thos people who are affected by anti-social tourists often point the finger at poor
planning:
"Just imagine you have a picturesque fishing village on top of a dramatic
Cornish cliff. How do you oversee its development? Well if you are in
Newquay you build loads of drab looking hotels and guest houses, fill the high
st with loads of tacky arcades and cheap surf shops and generally make it
mega appealing to chavs!”
(http://www.chavtowns.co.uk/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=428)
Reactions such as this suggest that people have a misguided view about the powers
and of planners and planning mechanisms. The following letter appeared in the
Sunday Times in response to the “Sin on Sea” article on Newquay.
“The council has encouraged the youth market by allowing a surplus of
cheap accommodation, fast food outlets, pubs and clubs, while
neglecting or even discouraging facilities for family holidays. More
adverse publicity could well be to our advantage.” (Letter to Sunday Times, 25
July 2004)
In other words this letter adverts to a lack of planning and a laissez faire attitude to
development. Specifically here the author of the letter has highlighted the
authorisation by the planning authorities of particular forms of accommodation and
business activities. In Newquay hotels and large houses have been turned in to multioccupancy
dormitory accommodation for tourists. These inevitably attract younger
tourists and have two additional consequences. First there are a lot of occupants and
therefore this offers a powerful way of concentrating, energizing and maintaining a
particular sub-culture of attitudes and behaviours. Second, lodges and dormitories
are less formal, have fewer cues drawn from the adult world and indeed have less
surveillance (Foucault, 1980). The manager, receptionist, night porter etc are rarely
evident. The same is true of apartment accommodation. Both forms of
accommodation nourish group (mis)behaviour. In Foucauldian terms there are less
sites of resistance to the discourses of rampant behaviour (Foucault (1971). So the
planning issues here include size, concentration, permitted uses and positioning of
accommodation and business premises.

Joined up action
The area in which Newquay (Restormel Borough Council) is located has taken a
multi-agency response towards tackling the problems in the area. It has formed a
Community Safety Partnership whose purpose is to reduce the impact and fear of
crime and disorder, in order to improve the quality of life for people who live in, work
in and visit the area. The following list shows the breadth of agency involvement in
the partnership:
Cornwall County Council
Restormel District Police
Cornwall and Devon Probation Service
Mid Cornwall Primary Care Trust (formerly Restormel Primary Care Group)
Neighbourhood Watch
Victim Support
St Austell Brewery
National Trust
Newquay Nightclub Association
Licensed Trade
Elected Members
Residents Associations
Women’s Rape and Sexual Assault Centre
Crown Prosecution Service
Cornwall Drug and Alcohol Action Team
County Fire Brigade
Primary and Secondary Schools
Youth Service
Parish Councils
Social Services
Road Safety Unit
Youth Offending Team
Newquay Town Council
Newquay Security Association
Diversity Groups

The strategy pays particular focus on the issues of young people as victims and
offenders, tackling ‘yob’ culture – changing attitudes and behaviour, tourist related
crime and all categories of “hate” crime. It divides its analysis and actions into a
number of key areas. For example under the heading of violent crime and disorder it
outlines the following actions:
“Identify the cost of violent crime and disorder.
Multi-agency licensing visits
Adoption of relevant legislation
Effective Pub Watch Schemes
Planning policy to aid effective management of violent crime ‘hot spots’
High profile policing of ‘hot spots’
Continued co-operation of licensed trade
Identify vulnerable members of the community and provide appropriate advice
and support
An awareness campaign
Set up a Safety Advisory Group to assess the impact of major events on the
community
Effective use of CCTV systems
Promote responsible drinking habits and behaviour”
(http://www.crimereduction.gov.uk/audits_and_strategies/restormel-s.doc)
Clearly the membership of such partnership groups and their strategies need to be
tailored to specific problems and issues. So for example in Faliraki it would make
sense to include Tour Operators (or their Trade Associations) and representation
from the accommodation sector. Indeed there is evidence that some of the UK tour
operators (e.g. Club 18-30) have toned down their advertising that used to be full of
innuendo and implicit messages about drinking and casual sex. It is also interesting
to note that the Faliraki authorities have already sought to strengthen one aspect of
possible partnership – that is to invite advice and cooperation from the UK police
authorities:
“Supt Rhodes and Insp Donnelly were invited to Faliraki by desperate Greek
authorities hoping to crack down on British yobs in the former fishing village.
The pair met Greek police and explored the unruly streets of Faliraki at night
to identify trouble-spots and advise their counterparts how to beat

hooliganism. Supt Rhodes said he has pushed for CCTV systems to be
installed, and a better policing of "low level" misbehaviour among young
drinkers during the early evening.” (Daily Mirror, 1 Sept 2003)
Laws and regulation
This aspect of management has three major dimensions. First the introduction of new
laws, second the more vigorous enforcement of existing ones and third the provision
of more police officers. For example, the Newquay police
“…has been given extra powers and resources to crackdown on summertime
yobs. Officers have been handed more authority to deal with the trouble
hotspot area of Towan Beach. The beach and possibly surrounding roads are
being made a ‘designated zone,’ which will allow officers to arrest
misbehaving revellers if they refuse to leave … Among other measures,
which will be introduced this summer is the issuing of fixed penalty notices of
£40 and £80 for those caught misbehaving [and] the revival of proof of age
card schemes …” (Newquay Voice, 13 April 2005).
Maybe both Newquay and Faliraki could learn from the USA where most states
enforce a strict over 21 law for the consumption of alcohol (and for this reason
rampaging tourists are not generally attracted to the USA as a destination).
Beke and Elands (1995) discuss the impact of instant punishment of anti-social
behaviour and In Faliraki there has been a high profile crackdown on those
committing offences. For example
• “The town’s mayor ordered the high-profile clampdown. Pub crawls and
drinking in the streets have been banned.”
• “Five tour reps were arrested in Faliraki ... for organising pubcrawls.”
• “18-year-old Jemma-Ann Gunning, from Somerset was imprisoned for
eight months for bearing her breasts in a Faliraki bar.”
• “20-year-old Matthew Maloney from South Wales was fined £2000 after
drunkenly exposing his bottom in front of police.”
• ww.bbc.co.uk/.../features/ faliraki_200803.shtml
However sometimes this high profile policing can backfire. The UK tabloid press
featured Jemma-Ann Gunning concentrating not so much on her misdemeanours as

her breasts – thus giving an extra turn to the attractiveness of Faliraki as a party
destination.
Finally in this section it seems that there are some very specific issues in some
tourist areas. Surely the outlawing of selling alcohol in Goldfish Bowls is an obvious
first step to encouraging more responsible drinking habits amongst rampant tourists.
Market approaches
Typical of market approaches are taxes which can be used to raise prices to
discourage consumption of goods and services which produce unwanted
externalities. Taxation is also a way of promoting the polluter pays principle (PPP). In
this case businesses which produce goods and services that cause negative
externalities are required to pay taxes which are sufficient to cover the costs of
ameliorating these impacts. One of the economic justifications for taxes on alcohol is
to reduce consumption and thus minimize its anti-social externalities (Beke and
Elands, 1995).
Figure 1: Tax on Alcohol
Price
S1
S0
D
O
Q1
Q0
Quantity

Figure 1 illustrates this. D represents the demand curve and marginal private benefit
for a product. S represents the supply curve and marginal private costs of production.
Profit-maximizing firms will continue to produce where the price paid for extra sales
(indicated by the demand curve) is greater than the extra costs of production
(marginal private cost). They will thus produce a level of output of 0Q0.
However, in this example, production causes externalities. Adding these to marginal
private costs generates supply curve S1 which includes marginal social costs. The
socially optimum level of output is now found at 0Q1 where marginal private benefit
(D) equals marginal social cost plus marginal private cost (S1).
The imposition of an externalities tax is designed to make businesses internalize the
previously external costs and integrate social considerations into market decisions.
An externalities tax which raised the marginal private costs curve (S) to S1 would
cause the firm’s private profit-maximizing level of output to coincide with the social
profit-maximizing level of output at 0Q1.
In reality there are several problems in setting an environmental tax. These include
imputing monetary value to external costs and the relating of external costs to
optimum output levels.
Soft Tools
Soft tools represent another set of instruments to manage rampant tourists. They are
voluntary by nature and attempt to change behaviour sometimes by improved
information, sometimes by advice and sometimes by persuasion. They include
product awareness labelling, guidelines, education and advertising and diversion
activities.
The focus of awareness labelling is to supply consumers with additional information
to enable then to make a more informed choice in the purchase of goods and
services. Just as foods are labelled to indicate their contents, an awareness label for
alcohol would provide information concerning alcoholic content. A variety of
organisations produce guidelines and codes of conduct for good environmental
practice in countryside areas. For example the World Conservation Union (IUCN,
1995) has published a guide for conservation planning in countryside areas. There
do not seem to be any guidelines for acceptable behaviour in “problem” resorts.

Similarly there is little attempt to educate tourists about the health risks and
annoyance caused by rampant behaviour.
Advertising can take two forms here. First it can be used as a way of encouraging
cultural change where campaigns are used to discourage anti-social behaviour.
Second advertising may need to address the destination image which attracts further
rampant tourists. The soft tools advocated for addressing what Beke and Elands
(1995) refer to as deviant tourism behaviour include the introduction of activity
programmes and a vandalism registration project.
Measure and record
Perhaps the most obvious starting point is to attempt to measure and record the
extent and cost of externalities. In the UK, the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 gave
local authorities, the police and other key agencies responsibilities for tackling crime
and disorder. These responsibilities include the requirement to carry out an audit of
crime and disorder every three years to identify problems and where they occur.
Bromley and Nelson (2002) suggest research into the detail of the variety of spaces
and times of alcohol-related crime and disorder is necessary for the development of
appropriate urban design, planning and licensing policies and policing strategies.
CONCLUSION
This article has offered an exploratory analysis of the concept of Runaway Tourism
and the characteristics of, and difficulties posed by, Rampant Tourists. It has been
argued that the characteristics of Rampant Tourists extend beyond the category of
“Raver” as depicted by Wickens and that the motif of Rampant Tourists is a revised
form of the more traditional 3Ss of tourism which find themselves displaced by Sin, C
and Sounds. A number of issues that arise from Rampant Tourism have been
discussed and some pointers offered for the planning and management of this
phenomenon. But in order to make any real progress and regain destination
competitiveness (Botho, Crompton and Kim, 1999: Dwyer, Mellor, Livaic, Edwards
and Kim, 2004) the local community needs to agree a common aim and guiding
policy to change the situation. Perhaps this is the most crucial obstacle since in any
community affected by rampant tourists there are both winners and losers. For

example a bar owner who has run his business for eleven years in Faliraki plays
down the problem saying:
"It’s always been this style of holiday, people get drunk and enjoy themselves.
There are a few fights when everyone’s pissed." (ww.bbc.co.uk/.../features/
faliraki_200803.shtml)
Rampant Tourism is particularly difficult to contain when one person’s pain is another
person’s profit.
REFERENCES
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