Children - Terre des Hommes
Children - Terre des Hommes
Children - Terre des Hommes
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21<br />
migrate to plain areas or are converted to landless labourers<br />
even if they continue to live in the Scheduled Areas, they<br />
no longer enjoy the privilege of the Fifth Schedule as far as<br />
land is concerned. This is a constitutional violation of the<br />
rights of the adivasi child. 32<br />
Displacement<br />
Mining areas are inhabited by people. Taking over land for<br />
mining means displacing them. These forced evictions, when<br />
land is taken over for extraction, or for setting up plants<br />
and factories, uproots and dislocates entire communities.<br />
<strong>Children</strong> are forced out of schools, lose access to healthcare<br />
and other basic services and are forced to live in alien places.<br />
Most often, there is little or no rehabilitation effort made<br />
by the government. This has a long-term impact on the<br />
displaced children.<br />
Across the world, tribal (or indigenous) populations are<br />
being displaced for mining activities. Mining struggles in<br />
indigenous communities have been witnessed in numerous<br />
countries, from Canada to the Philippines, and from Uganda<br />
to Papua New Guinea and to the USA, which massacred<br />
native Indians, 33 first for the gold rush and later, for other<br />
minerals like coal and uranium. Mineral resources are<br />
often found in places inhabited by indigenous populations.<br />
Therefore, when mining activity begins, these communities<br />
are displaced from the hills and forests where they live. They<br />
then lose access not only to their homes and land, but also to<br />
their traditional livelihoods. In most places, compensation<br />
has been wholly inadequate and tribal communities are forced<br />
into poverty. Their capacity for subsistence survival is often<br />
<strong>des</strong>troyed — tribal symbols of prosperity in subsistence are<br />
not recognised as anything that have worth or value. Mines<br />
and factories have reduced self-reliant, self-respecting tribal<br />
families to living like refugees in ill-planned rehabilitation<br />
colonies, while rendering many others homeless. 35<br />
The National Mineral Policy, 2008, recognises that<br />
“Mining operations often involve acquisition of land held<br />
by individuals including those belonging to the weaker<br />
sections.” It highlights the need for suitable Relief and<br />
Rehabilitation (R&R) packages and states that “Special<br />
care will be taken to protect the interest of host and<br />
indigenous (tribal) populations through developing<br />
models of stakeholder interest based on international<br />
best practice. Project affected persons will be protected<br />
through comprehensive relief and rehabilitation packages<br />
in line with the National Rehabilitation and Resettlement<br />
Policy.” However, several problems with respect to the<br />
R&R policy, such as under-estimation of project costs and<br />
losses, under-financing of R&R, non-consultation with<br />
affected communities and improper implementation of the<br />
promised rehabilitation, are some of the glaring failures on<br />
the part of the state with respect to mining projects. This is<br />
well reflected, for example, in the case study of the resettled<br />
camps of NALCO in Orissa. <br />
Despite the grand statements made in the National<br />
Mineral Policy, 2008, and the existence finally of a National<br />
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, thousands of people<br />
will continue to lose their land and end up in worse situations<br />
of poverty if the government continues to prioritise profits<br />
from mining over the rights of communities to live on<br />
their land. One recent example of this has been the struggle<br />
by the Dongria Kondh tribe in Orissa to prevent a British<br />
mining company, Vedanta, from displacing them. The<br />
groups have lived for many generations in this area and the<br />
Niyamgiri mountain is considered by them to be a sacred<br />
Rajesh (name changed) is fifteen years old and comes<br />
from the village of Janiguda. He works in a roadside<br />
restaurant at Dumuriput of Damanjodi. His family lost<br />
all their land for the NALCO project, which converted his<br />
father, who did not get a job in the company, into an<br />
alcoholic. Having spent all the compensation money on<br />
liquor, the father left the family on the streets. Rajesh<br />
dropped out of school and had to come to Damanjodi<br />
town in search of work to support his family. He earns<br />
around Rs. 1,200 per month working in the hotel and<br />
sends home around Rs. 1,000 every month. He says, “Work<br />
in the hotel is difficult and there is no time for rest except<br />
after 12 in the night every day.”<br />
Source: Interview carried out in Damanjodi, Orissa, 3 February 2010.<br />
32. Samatha, A Study on the Status and Problems of Tribal <strong>Children</strong> in Andhra Pra<strong>des</strong>h, 2007.<br />
33.<br />
34.<br />
35.<br />
Carlos D. Da Rosa, James S. Lyon, Philip M. Hocker, Golden Dreams, Poisoned Streams, Published by Mineral Policy Center, August 1997.<br />
Bhanumathi Kalluri, Ravi Rebbapragada, 2009, Displaced by Development - Confronting Marginalization and Gender Injustice - The Samatha Judgement -<br />
Upholding the Rights of Adivasi Women, Sage Publications<br />
Vidhya Das, Human Rights, Inhuman Wrongs – Plight of Tribals in Orissa, Published in Economic and Political Weekly, 14 March 1998.<br />
36. Government of India, National Mineral Policy, 2008.<br />
37.<br />
See case study report on NALCO project-affected community in Koraput, Orissa.