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Child Drowning

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To prevent it from being overly long, this Working Paper focuses only on drowning deaths (as opposed<br />

to non-fatal drowning). A great deal of data on morbidity was also collected in the individual surveys<br />

and would be a necessary consideration in the design of intervention programmes; this data can be<br />

accessed in previous country-specific publications.<br />

Headlines do not reflect true incidence<br />

If a review of purely media-reported drowning incidents were undertaken, it would erroneously appear<br />

that natural disasters such as tsunamis and flooding or boat/ferry sinking were the primary causes of<br />

drowning deaths in Asian LMICs. Where natural disasters do have a significant regional impact with<br />

implications for increasing the rate of drowning, they tend to be rare events such as the Indian Ocean<br />

tsunami of 2004. While they result in the death of many tens of thousands of children drowning, as was<br />

the case in Aceh, Indonesia, a disaster of this magnitude is rare, usually occurring less than once in 20<br />

years. <strong>Drowning</strong> from other causes is responsible for most drowning deaths in any given year.<br />

More recently, the devastating monsoon floods across Southeast Asia from June–November 2011<br />

provide a similar example. While the regional total was almost 1,500 deaths, with a large proportion of<br />

them children, the surveys show that many times this number drown every year in each of the<br />

countries affected by the flooding.<br />

The incorrect impression that natural disasters cause most drowning is directly related to how such<br />

occurrences are picked up by the media. Journalists rarely hear about individual drowning deaths; yet<br />

when a boat sinks or a large area floods, a full-scale rescue and recovery operation is mounted, which<br />

draws press attention. These events tend to be drawn out over time, so the media has time to reach<br />

the site before the action is over; whereas in an individual drowning case the event is over within<br />

minutes. The death of a child in a drowning incident is tragic for the family and their community, but<br />

there are rarely political or broader social implications that would be considered by journalists as<br />

newsworthy and it goes uncovered.<br />

Economic conditions pose risk<br />

The surveys show a potential causal link between poverty and drowning. <strong>Child</strong>ren in LMICs tend to<br />

drown in the water bodies that are ubiquitous in their daily environment. Key risk factors identified<br />

included: a lack of access to piped water, which necessitates having wells or other water bodies near<br />

the home; large family sizes with supervision of younger children falling to older siblings rather than<br />

adults; lack of access to pre-school education in poorer LMICs (pre-school supervision had a direct<br />

correlation with lowered drowning rates in countries like Viet Nam); and a higher proportion of the<br />

population living in rural areas and therefore at greater exposure rates to water bodies. On average, for<br />

almost 9 out of 10 children in rural areas, a hazardous water body lay within 20 metres of their home.<br />

In the case of China, economic migration resulted in parenting duties falling to grandparents whose age<br />

and failing health made direct and active supervision of very young children difficult. As a result, these<br />

children left behind by their parents had almost triple the drowning rates compared to children living<br />

with their parents.<br />

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