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01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp

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60<br />

Research Report<br />

comprehension. Only when the basic skill of decoding print is so fluent as to be automatic does<br />

comprehension become possible—that is to say, we cannot properly understand what we read<br />

unless the act of decoding is involuntary, free from any demands on processing capacity and<br />

resistant to interruption from competing activity in the same domain (Yap & van der Leij, 1994).<br />

For reading comprehension, it is necessary that word-recognition is automatic.<br />

The dyslexia automatisation deficit hypothesis<br />

The dyslexia automatisation deficit hypothesis attributes the reading deficits of dyslexics to a<br />

general failure to automatise skills (Nicolson & Fawcett, 1990). Since memory span is partly<br />

determined by reading rate and reading rate is determined by processing speed, which is in<br />

its turn partly determined by the degree of automatisation, the evidence from reading appears<br />

compatible with an automatisation deficit explanation (Nicolson & Fawcett, 1990). Where<br />

dyslexic people have problems in other motor and cognitive domains, as the hypothesis would<br />

predict, an associated ‘conscious compensation’ hypothesis suggests that these problems are<br />

masked by coping strategies and by active allocation of extra attentional resources (Nicolson<br />

& Fawcett, 1990). The resulting threefold prediction that dyslexic performance breaks down<br />

primarily for resource-intensive tasks, is particularly susceptible to stress and can be<br />

maintained only for relatively short periods, is consistent with the available evidence (Nicolson<br />

& Fawcett, 1990).<br />

Taken together, the dyslexia automatisation deficit hypothesis (Nicolson & Fawcett, 1990) and<br />

the phonological deficit hypothesis can be viewed as twin components of the double-deficit<br />

hypothesis, in that they offer cognitive-level explanations of the two main difficulties of<br />

persistently poor readers—those involving fluency and accuracy. However, the dyslexia<br />

automatisation deficit hypothesis reaches beyond reading skills to offer a cognitive<br />

explanation of dyslexics’ difficulties in automatising skills unrelated to reading (Nicolson &<br />

Fawcett, 1994), thus breaking new ground that the phonological deficit hypothesis could not<br />

cover and which the double-deficit hypothesis does not cover.<br />

The dyslexia automatisation deficit hypothesis proposes an explanation of failure to<br />

automatise skills in word-recognition and other domains.<br />

The cerebellar deficit hypothesis<br />

Although, initially, the dyslexia automatisation deficit hypothesis proposed only a proximal,<br />

cognitive explanation of the dyslexics’ difficulties in skill mastery, it was soon conjectured that<br />

a distal, biological explanation might be found in ‘noisy neural networks’ (Fawcett & Nicolson,<br />

1991). Previously, there had been speculation that cerebellar function might be mildly<br />

impaired in dyslexia (Frank & Levinson, 1973). However, it was only with confirmation that the<br />

cerebellum—‘the brain’s autopilot’ (Stein, 20<strong>01</strong>)—was involved in linguistic as well as motor<br />

skill acquisition (Ito, 1993) that there was reason to investigate cerebellar dysfunction as a<br />

possible cause of dyslexia (Nicolson et al., 1995). Brain imaging studies have since shown, for<br />

example, that the normal cerebellum is activated during speech perception (Dogil et al., 2002;<br />

Mathiak et al., 2002) and in reading (Fulbright et al., 1999) and that the patterns of activation<br />

are different for phonological and semantic tasks.<br />

The cerebellar deficit hypothesis can be stated as a series of propositions. First, the<br />

behavioural symptoms of dyslexia can be characterised as difficulties in skill automatisation;<br />

this pattern of difficulties in cognitive, information-processing and motor skills would be

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