01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp
01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp
01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp
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40<br />
Research Report<br />
Differences between languages and their writing and spelling systems create a form of<br />
cultural bias in dyslexia.<br />
Differences in discriminative criteria for educational failure between the social classes<br />
create a reporting bias in dyslexia.<br />
Differences in the effects of IQ-discrepancy operational criteria create an identification<br />
bias in dyslexia.<br />
Can the research findings be applied to adults in literacy and numeracy classes?<br />
Adult dyslexic people taking part in research carried out in cognitive psychology and<br />
neuroimaging laboratories tend to be either university students or mature adults who had<br />
attended specialist schools or clinics as children. Both scientific exclusionary criteria<br />
(Vellutino, 1979) and cultural self-selection have thus led to a research population which is, by<br />
destination if not by origin, predominantly white-collar. Research with greater numbers of<br />
working-class participants has indicated important socio-economic differences in the nature<br />
of reading skills deficits. Even if that were not the case, it would be rash to generalise<br />
research findings to populations dissimilar from those involved in the research. As it is, recent<br />
findings suggest that such generalisations may often be misleading. To the extent that adults<br />
in basic skills classes are working-class or second-language speakers of English, the<br />
research literature on dyslexia (as distinct from that on reading disability) may not apply to<br />
most to them.<br />
Findings from research with participants from middle-class groups may create misleading<br />
expectations about the needs and abilities of learners in adult literacy classes.<br />
The crux of the problem<br />
Heterogeneity in ‘dyslexia’ is generally acknowledged. It may reflect the fact that complex<br />
systems break down in complex ways (Seidenberg, 1992). It may also reflect differences in<br />
concepts and methods of identification (Filipek, 1999). In the latter case, it would reflect<br />
laboratory practice, since most research into developmental dyslexia ‘seems content to lump<br />
together individuals with grossly different reading profiles in a way that would never be<br />
accepted in the field of acquired dyslexia’ (Ellis et al., 1997a).<br />
The consequence of heterogeneity is that no generalisation is valid for each and every<br />
member of the population of adults who have been identified (or who have identified<br />
themselves) as ‘dyslexic’. Diagnoses (and self-diagnoses) are unstable, both across methods<br />
of identification and—in the case of diagnoses if not self-diagnoses—over time. Some of these<br />
diagnoses, including allocation to subtypes, are artefacts of research and teaching methods.<br />
Some, especially in the case of people whose literacy ability is discrepant in relation to their<br />
perceived intelligence because they have been poorly taught or because they have grown up in<br />
an environment where schooling and literacy are under-valued, may be more appropriately<br />
replaced by diagnoses of ordinary poor reading’, which has also been referred to as<br />
‘pseudodyslexia’ (Morton & Frith, 1995; Perfetti & Marron, 1995).<br />
Does this mean that we cannot define developmental dyslexia? Or that, once we have defined