01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp
01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp
01 NRDC Dyslexia 1-88 update - Texthelp
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Developmental dyslexia in adults: a research review 29<br />
repertoire of distributed processes in both cerebral hemispheres (Binder et al., 1997; Price,<br />
2000), functioning as neural networks in which Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas might be<br />
analogues of Crewe and Clapham junctions in the railway network. It is also evident that<br />
patterns of activation emerge and are transformed in the course of learning to read and write<br />
(Booth et al., 20<strong>01</strong>; Petersson et al., 2000).<br />
It appears that the normal process of reading has a characteristic neural signature —or<br />
rather, that each linguistic subprocess has a neural signature of its own (Cabeza & Nyberg,<br />
1997; Wise et al., 20<strong>01</strong>). For example, normal silent reading activates the left inferior parietal<br />
cortex, the right posterior temporal cortex, both sensorimotor cortices and the<br />
supplementary motor areas (Cossu, 1999). Additionally, non-word reading activates the left<br />
inferior temporal region the left inferior frontal area, and the supramarginal gyrus (Cossu,<br />
1999). Viewing words in alphabetic script (by contrast with viewing word-like forms in false<br />
fonts) activates bilateral language areas, including the left inferior prefrontal regions and the<br />
left posterior temporal cortex (Cossu, 1999). Reading aloud and making lexical decisions also<br />
entail bilateral activation of the mid-to-posterior temporal cortex and mainly left-hemisphere<br />
activation of the inferior parietal cortex (Cossu, 1999).<br />
Evidence for a neural signature of reading impairment is provided by studies reporting<br />
differential activation patterns in three key areas: the inferior frontal gyrus (Broca’s area); the<br />
dorsal parieto-temporal region, incorporating the superior temporal gyrus (Wernicke’s area)<br />
and angular and marginal gyri; and the left posterior inferior temporal area, incorporating the<br />
fusiform gyrus and middle temporal gyrus (McCrory, 2003).<br />
However, these neural studies of reading impairment are not without interpretational<br />
problems (McCrory, 2003). One study reports reduced activation in Wernicke’s area (Rumsey<br />
et al., 1997b), but leaves open the possibility that the same reduction might be seen in<br />
ordinary poor readers, in which case it could be interpreted as secondary to some other<br />
difficulty (McCrory, 2003). A similar reduction in activation (Shaywitz et al., 1998) might be<br />
explained as a reflection of lower levels of reading accuracy, again leaving open the possibility<br />
that it might also be characteristic of ordinary poor readers, a possibility made all the more<br />
likely in this case by a lower level of intellectual ability in the group designated as ‘dyslexic’<br />
(McCrory, 2003).<br />
Reduced activation reported in the parietal-temporal-occipital association cortex (Brunswick<br />
et al., 1999) may indicate a more robust difference (McCrory, 2003), and this finding has been<br />
replicated in a cross-linguistic comparison (Paulesu et al., 20<strong>01</strong>).<br />
Across these and other studies, the most consistent discrepancies between the activation<br />
patterns of dyslexic and non-dyslexic participants have been in three areas: the posterior<br />
inferior temporal cortex, the left angular gyrus and the left inferior frontal cortex (McCrory,<br />
2003).<br />
Reduced neural activation by dyslexics in the posterior inferior temporal cortex is consistent<br />
with difficulty in retrieving phonological forms from visual stimuli, perhaps including<br />
dyslexics’ frequently-reported difficulty in picture-naming (McCrory, 2003). Reduced neural<br />
activation by dyslexics in the left angular gyrus, however, might possibly be a secondary and<br />
nonspecific effect of inefficient phonological processing (McCrory, 2003). In the left frontal and<br />
precentral regions, the neural activation seen in dyslexics is greater, not less, than that seen<br />
in efficient readers and may correspond to effortful compensatory strategies involving inner