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European Environmental Policy Lecture 2 The EU Single ... - UCL

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EEP_singlemarket_slides.doc<br />

<strong>European</strong> <strong>Environmental</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

<strong>Lecture</strong> 2<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>EU</strong> <strong>Single</strong> Market and environmental protection<br />

1. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Single</strong> Market programme: reasons and<br />

requirements<br />

2. Product standards and the single market. "Mutual<br />

recognition" and its implications<br />

3. Cases of conflict between rules of the <strong>Single</strong> Market<br />

and national environmental policies.<br />

4. Institutional competition, "environmental dumping"<br />

and efficiency


<strong>The</strong> <strong>EU</strong> <strong>Single</strong> Market<br />

<strong>The</strong> <strong>European</strong> Economic Community (EEC)<br />

• 1957 Treaty of Rome established EEC with six member<br />

countries (France, Germany, Italy and BENELUX)<br />

• UK, Ireland, Denmark joined in 1973<br />

• Now 15 members, and further enlargement soon<br />

Central policy was customs union among member states<br />

• Customs Union = free trade area between member states,<br />

with common external trade policy<br />

• Tariffs (taxes on imports) eliminated over first 10 years<br />

• Economic integration (intra-EEC trade as percentage of<br />

sales in member state markets) grew rapidly during 1960s<br />

and 1970s<br />

Objectives of free trade area<br />

Efficiency<br />

• the most efficient producers supply <strong>EU</strong> market, not<br />

protected national firms<br />

• allocation of production according to comparative<br />

advantage<br />

Scale economies<br />

• larger market allows rationalisation of production into<br />

lager-scale firms - reducing cost per unit of production<br />

Competition<br />

• larger market has more firms than protected national<br />

markets, and hence more vigorous competition<br />

Variety<br />

• consumers have access to a wider range of goods and<br />

services<br />

2


<strong>The</strong> <strong>Single</strong> Market ("1992") programme<br />

By the early 1980s:<br />

• a growing awareness that abolition of tariffs had not<br />

eliminated all obstacles to trade between member states<br />

• growth in integration had slowed.<br />

EC market remained segmented into separate national<br />

markets:<br />

• considerable price differences between member states<br />

• national producers dominated national markets<br />

• EC market remained much less integrated than US market<br />

• failure to reap full economic gains from trade integration<br />

1985 Commission White Paper "Completing the Internal<br />

Market" ("Cockfield" White Paper)<br />

• drew attention to role of national governments in<br />

segmenting EC market<br />

• highlighted role of various non-tariff barriers<br />

• proposed programme of measures ("1992 programme") to<br />

eliminate these non-tariff barriers<br />

1986 <strong>Single</strong> <strong>European</strong> Act<br />

• amendment to Treaty of Rome<br />

• required White Paper programme of measures to be<br />

implemented by end-1992<br />

• abolition of internal frontier controls<br />

• "mutual recognition" of national product standards instead<br />

of negotiated harmonisation<br />

• range of other measures: abolition of exchange controls,<br />

tax "approximation", liberalisation of capital markets,<br />

financial services, etc<br />

3


Product standards and the 1992 programme<br />

Reasons for inclusion in "1992" programme<br />

1. Multiple standards involve costs of duplication<br />

eg multiple certification for medicines<br />

2. Multiple standards segment <strong>European</strong> Market<br />

• the costs of meeting different national standards<br />

discourages some firms from <strong>EU</strong>-wide trading<br />

• less-intensive competition, foregone economies of scale<br />

3. Danger of strategic use of product standards<br />

• national standards policy can be used as a form of<br />

protection<br />

• countries can design standards to protect national firms<br />

and exercise market power by setting standards to suit<br />

national producers<br />

4


Why do we have product standards anyway?<br />

1. Consumer safety<br />

• regulation may sometimes be preferable to<br />

alternatives:<br />

(i) provision of information<br />

(ii) ex post legal liability for harm<br />

2. Enforcement of minimum quality<br />

• if consumers cannot easily observe quality before<br />

buying the product<br />

3. To limit product variety<br />

• consumers may be confused by complex products<br />

- eg insurance contracts<br />

4. "Rule-of-the-Road" choices<br />

• where a decision is more important than which decision<br />

- (eg compatibility issues)<br />

5. Technology choice<br />

• market can be slow and costly way of determining best<br />

technology<br />

5


Ex ante Harmonisation (EAH)<br />

versus<br />

Mutual Recognition (MR)<br />

• EAH may be slow as countries hold out for deal most<br />

favourable to national firms<br />

• MR allows immediate access, and sidesteps inefficient<br />

barriers to access<br />

- eg Cassis de Dijon case - too much alcohol<br />

• MR may undermine effectiveness of standards<br />

- (where these enforce minimum quality)<br />

- introduces "lemons" problem between national<br />

standards<br />

• MR may undermine safety standards<br />

- excluded in 1992 programme<br />

• incentive to "downward competition" in regulation?<br />

6


National environmental policies and competition in the<br />

<strong>EU</strong> market<br />

Two examples where national environmental policies have come into<br />

conflict with <strong>EU</strong> rules on market access;<br />

• Dutch "clean car" legislation<br />

• Danish deposit-refund scheme for bottles<br />

In both cases, the issue was whether a policy introduced for<br />

environmental reasons had the side-effect of protecting national<br />

producers from import competition.<br />

National product standards with a significant fixed cost of compliance<br />

can protect domestic firms if these have the largest market share.<br />

Designing motor vehicles specifically to meet the Dutch "clean car"<br />

requirements would only be worthwhile for producers intending to sell<br />

large volumes in the Dutch market. Often these would be domestic<br />

firms (but nb little car manufacture in NL!), and hence advantage to<br />

domestic firms.<br />

In the Danish bottles case, the arrangements to collect and re-use<br />

bottles returned to retailers would have a substantial fixed cost,<br />

unrelated to the volume of bottles sold and collected. For an importer<br />

with small market share this would be a higher cost per unit than for<br />

an incumbent national firm with a higher volume of sales.<br />

Other areas of national environmental policy might raise similar<br />

problems (eg other provisions for Extended Producer Responsibility).<br />

<strong>The</strong>se issues also arise in international trade more generally. Hence<br />

the growing importance of WTO rules, regulating conduct of<br />

international trade, in constraining national environmental policies<br />

eg WTO forbids policies which discriminate between products on the<br />

basis of their production process. This prevents import restrictions on<br />

products produced by "dirty" firms abroad, but also limits countries'<br />

ability to enforce rules on trade in ecologically-damaging products<br />

(tuna, etc)<br />

7


Institutional Competition<br />

Horst Siebert (1991) "<strong>The</strong> New Economic Landscape in<br />

Europe" emphasises the potential benefits of institutional<br />

competition:<br />

• citizens may have different preferences for regulation, and<br />

decentralised policy allows countries to make different<br />

choices in the tradeoff between economic activity (and<br />

hence incomes) and regulatory protection<br />

• some regulations contribute to a more efficient business<br />

environment - countries that offer an attractive package of<br />

regulations will be a more attractive location for production<br />

than those that offer a package of "red tape"<br />

• geographical and other features of countries imply different<br />

"needs" for regulation. Countries which have an<br />

environment that can assimilate more emissions without<br />

adverse damage have a natural advantage (cf. amount of<br />

sunshine) that should not be offset by requiring equal<br />

regulatory stringency in all locations.<br />

In summary:<br />

• <strong>Environmental</strong> externalities between countries may<br />

justify policy coordination or harmonisation.<br />

• Economic spillovers arising through institutional<br />

competition do not. (Siebert argues that these are<br />

"pecuniary" externalities)<br />

8


<strong>The</strong> "<strong>Environmental</strong> Dumping" debate<br />

<strong>The</strong> central idea is that countries with lower standards of<br />

environmental protection achieve an "unfair" competitive<br />

advantage in international trade. Firms in these countries bear<br />

lower burden of regulation (lower costs of pollution abatement),<br />

and can hence undercut prices of firms located in countries<br />

requiring more environmental protection.<br />

Does this justify trade protection, or import taxes to offset the price<br />

advantage enjoyed by firms in low-regulation countries?<br />

Industries affected by such competition often argue that it does.<br />

But is this just "special pleading"?<br />

A country imposing tariffs on imports harms itself (by foregoing the<br />

opportunity to purchase imported goods more cheaply than the<br />

cost of domestic production).<br />

Where national environmental policies affect the national<br />

environment only (ie excluding cases such as acid rain and global<br />

warming), a counntry that is willing or able to accept polluting<br />

industries performs a service to countries that wish to have a<br />

cleaner environment. Abatement through relocation may be<br />

cheapest abatement option.<br />

Larry Summers' World Bank memo drew attention to the fact that<br />

developing countries might have greater priority to "income" over<br />

"environment", and relocation of polluting industries is thus<br />

mutually beneficial.<br />

<strong>The</strong> argument is controversial, especially where:<br />

• the relocation arises because polluting firms in LDCs evade or<br />

disregard local environmental laws<br />

• international trade reduces the ability of all countries to monitor<br />

and control hazardous pollution problems<br />

• some countries are not governed in the interests of their people<br />

• the environmental policies concern problems where there are<br />

spillovers between countries<br />

9


Competition in environmental standards: economic<br />

theory and empirical evidence<br />

Empirical evidence that environmental policies in the<br />

industrialised countries may have affected the international<br />

pattern of economic activity.<br />

Hettige, Lucas and Wheeler (1992)<br />

• output of pollution-intensive activities grew faster in LDCs<br />

than OECD countries over previous two decades<br />

• possibly reflects relocation of pollluting industries to LDCs<br />

in response to tighter environmental standards in<br />

developed countries.<br />

Key issue is not whether relocation has occurred, but<br />

whether, in response to relocation or the threat of relocation,<br />

policy-makers have been induced to set environmental<br />

standards which do not reflect the true willingness-to-pay of<br />

their residents for environmental quality.<br />

10

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