Bulletin de liaison et d'information - Institut kurde de Paris

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REVUE DE PRESSE-PRESS REVIEW-BERHEVOKA ÇAPÊ~RNISTA STAMPA-DENTRO DE LA PRENSA-BASIN ÖZETi FRA0170 4 lA 0134 POR /AFP-EK39 "r !..4 f' i:~~AiI~-:'~ ..- C i :"1(:~\f""rl :0l It \{oI. l' C1E': .... /:i. ~Lii":a.Z (;t.lt'lf~Y', r)t"'C)jF ..,t~:~~ 'T'urc~uie après OtlZe arts AFP 021228 OC"[.93 SUNDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1993 A proud people keep alive their dream of nation For nine years, unnoticed by many Americans, Turkish soldiers and Kurdish separatists have waged a guerJJJawar. Thousands died. On June 24, Kurd/sh fighters struck at Turkish Interests all over Europe. When wJJJ there be peace? Ir '.Iall Aliz. Ph.D. SPECIAl. TO niE DEMOCRAT On June 24, Kurdish protesters attacked Turkish consulates, banks and travel omces In more than 26 locations across Europe. One protesterwas killed, .several were wounded, and approximately 200 people were arrested. The turkish authorities laid blame tor the at•. tacks on the PKK (Kurdistan Worker's Party). The June 24 attacks renected a long history of tensions between Turks. and Kurds. The tension began In the beginning of the 19th century, when the Ottomans adopted a new policy ot Increased centralization and restrictions on Kl,li"dish provinces that had KII'tIIIa enjoyed seltrule. The new 1IIff"1II policy brought Marine escorts forth a vigorous resistance Kurdish refugees from Iraq. from the Kurds, including armed uprisings (all unsuccesstul) in 1828, 1834, and 1880. In 1920, the Treaty of Sevres called for the establishment ot an independent Kurdistan. In the midst of a war to restore Turkish hegemony In territories occupied by. Greece and France during the First World War, Kemal Ataturk (the tounder of the Turkish Republic) asked tor Kurdish support in exchange tor a promise that "Turks and Kurds would live as brothers and equals." Following -Turkey'ssuccess against the Greeks and French, the Allied nations established relations with the new Republic ot Turkey. The 1923 Treaty ot Lausanne replaced the Turkish state. Kurdish autonomy was thus effectively denied. Left witho'It A.stete. the Kür(ls. fa
REVUE DE PRESSE-PRESS REVIEW-BERHEVOKA ÇAPÊ-RzvISTA STAMPA-DENTRO DE LA PRENSA-BASIN ÖZETÎ a fonner student of political science at Ankara University. The PKK adopted Kurdish .Independence as Its political goal, and advocated guerrilla warfare as the means to attain this end. In 1984 the organization began a military campaign that continues to the present - witness June 24. As a result, approximately 6,000 people have been killed. Most Immediately, on May 24 the cease-fire proclaimed by the PKK ended. Since then, 1,300pt» pie have been killed, the Turkish authorities have extended the "state of emergency" in la provinces, and Tansu Ciller, the new prime minister, has announced plans to give priority to military means in Turkey's attempts to discipline the PKK. Although the PKK is not the, only Kurdish political party in Kurdistan-Turkey, its military action made the Kurdish Issue a top priority for the Turkish government Thus, In April 1990, fonner PresIdent Turgat OZal announced that his government would seek i1 political solution to its conflict. Most of Turkey's political p'll"- ties at least admit the reality of a Kurdish community, and many have proposed political solutions to the "Kurdish problem," the turkish military still believes It can solve the problem with force. This fact threatens to overwhelm Interest in a political settl~ ment Murat YeWn, a Turkish journalist, reminds us that "there has not been a single example (since the 19205)of a (Turkish) government taking :1 decision counter to the advice of the military." In the conte:(t of the struggle between those a,jvocating a political settiement to the Kurdish Issue, and those favoring a military ap. proach, the turkish government was unable to respond positively to the PKK's unilateral cease-fire d~ clared on March 20, 1993. Advocates of a political settl&- ment should not give up hope, however. Despite the diMculties on both sides, there are positive dev&- lopments,and these should be encouraged by Turkish and Kurdish leaders. From the Kurdish point of view, the positive developments encouraged by PresIdent OZal remain In place: the veto on the tenn "Kurd" has been removed; 20 members of Parliament defend Kurdish ripts; books, magazines. radio and television broadcasts address the Kurdish Issue with regularity. Clearly there I!i momentum which any Kurdish group must consider as positive. From a Turldsbperspèctlve, there are Important reasons to continue the policies of President Ozal, and even to further them. Turkey has Bmbitions to become a regional superpower, with infiuence from Central Asia to the Balkans. It also wishes to be the foremost example of modernization and democracy in the Islamic world. Its location, large population, and history of holding power make these ambitions logical for Turkey. But a weak economy, pollticallnstability, and persistent violations of human Iipts - all factors In Turkey's historic dealing with the Kurds - pr~ sent obstacles to the fulfillment of Turkey's legitimate ambitions. To fulfill Its longstanding ambitions, Turkey needs stability and democracy. Ankara could go a long way toward the fulfillment of its goals by granting human, cultural, and political rights to the Kurds. Investors do not risk their money ,n an unstable region. ¥obil Oil furk, third largest producer In Tur. key, cancelled Its operations following a PKK attack in september 1992.To restore stability, the Turkish governmerlt spent hundreds of millions of dol;ars monthly to control the Kurdish areas. What will it take for Turkey to solve its "Kurdish problem"? From the Kurdish ~lnt of view, the provISion oi freeoom to eaucate chij. dren in the Kurdish language and to establish Kurdish political par. ties are the two most Immediate requirements for a settlement. Such provisiollS already have the support of the European community, and are crucial to Turkey's own identity as a democratic nation. Abdullah Ocalan of the PKK advocates an understanding of Kurdish self-determination that ae> cords with the approach endorsed by the international community in the case of Kurds living in Kurdistan-Iraq. Given this, it Is difficult to see why there could not be an arrangement thaI honors both Kurdish desires for self-determination and Turkish interest ln preserving national strength. Leadership in this regard should come. from the Turkish authorities In Ankara, who might find It In thelr Interesl to develop proposals around notions of self-gaver. nance for the Kurds. In any case, have we not learned from the t:xample of the now defunct Soviet Union that might without light cannot long serve as the source of stability in a modern state? Note: ~ author wishes to thanlt Profeasor John Kelsay from Florida State University his input. for L'Alsace- 2 octobre 1993 Léotard a dû succomber au charme de M.... Tansu Ciller, la ravissante Premier ministre turc qui vient déj~ de conquérir les Allemands (difficile pourtant pour qui vient de Turquie...). Lui qui défendait les minorités, dénonçait les atteintes aux droits de l'homme et se rangeait aux c6tés du peuple kurde en souffrance, a viré de bord à Ankara. Il a déclaré qu'«i1 y a incompatibilité radicale entre l'action des terroristes et la vie démocratique-. Et ajouté: «Nous avons choisi la démocratie, donc nous L'oubli de Léotard avons choisi la Turquie.- Dans l'absolu, la premiére partie de la déclaration du ministre est totalement juste et il est exact que les militants du PKK mènent des actions terroristes. Mais Léotard fait bien peu de cas de la lutte des Kurdes soucieux de conserver leur identiM '91 leur culture, un droit que la Turquie leur dénie. Et il accorde un peu vite un brevet démocratique à cette Turquie qui a ençore bien des progrés à faire. Et tout cela pour quoi? Pour vendre vingt hélicoptères! F.B. 19
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