The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
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69<br />
3.3.3.1 <strong>The</strong> licensing of the PP at LF: Full <strong>Interpretation</strong> (FI) requires that every<br />
XP must have an interpretation at LF (C-I interface) in order to be licensed (Chomsky<br />
2000, 2001). <strong>The</strong> question arises how the PP C is licensed? 32<br />
Recall first, that this PP is not an argument of the verb, rather the DP is. Thus,<br />
arguably, it is not licensed thematically. Second, the function of P C is not semantic,<br />
but rather formal, Case-related. Thus the PP seems to have a status of an Agr(eement)<br />
projection, which arguably is not present at LF (Chomsky 2001). To reconcile the<br />
noted discrepancy, I propose the following. Although P C is not a semantic function,<br />
this does not necessarily mean that the P-morphemes realizing P C have no semantic<br />
content (see the above discussion). After all, the variation within the group of P-<br />
morphemes (e.g. depend on vs. believe in vs. look at) cannot be based on anything but<br />
their semantic content (or its residue). This suffices to license the PP at LF.<br />
To summarize this section: A two-place verb with an underspecified internal<br />
cluster is not marked with [Acc]. <strong>The</strong>refore the verb itself cannot check the Case<br />
feature of its DP argument. <strong>The</strong> verb is associated with P C realized by a (semantically<br />
appropriate) small P. Such P has an uninterpretable set of φ-features which enter<br />
Agree with the φ-set of the DP, checking and deleting the Case feature of the DP.<br />
Thus, the occurrence of P in PP-verb constructions, though eventually Case-related, is<br />
thematically motivated. <strong>The</strong> semantic content of the prepositions realizing P C licenses<br />
its projection at LF.<br />
This concludes the analysis of PP-verb constructions. In what follows I will<br />
discuss the distinction between the underspecified theta-clusters and the<br />
corresponding fully specified ones, thereby establishing the Underspecification<br />
hypothesis (19). I will also specify which PP-verbs assign a [-m] role and which a [-c]<br />
role. As already mentioned, whether a certain verb has a [-m] cluster or a [-c] one has<br />
no direct bearing on the proposed analysis. Both are predicted to be PP-verbs.<br />
However, the distinction between [-m] PP-verbs and [-c] PP-verbs, apart from being<br />
interesting on its own, will turn out to be significant for an additional aspect of the<br />
diversity among members of the PP-verb group across languages.<br />
32 <strong>The</strong> same question is raised in Neeleman (1997), where P is viewed as a lexical category. Neeleman<br />
assumes that the PP, although a projection of a lexical category, is not licensed by theta-assignment or<br />
syntactic selection (selection for an XP). Consequently, he introduces idiomatic selection (selection for<br />
a particular P-morpheme), and argues that this kind of selection, in addition to the traditional syntactic<br />
selection, prevents violation of Full <strong>Interpretation</strong> (FI) by the PP in PP-verb constructions.