12.09.2014 Views

The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

69<br />

3.3.3.1 <strong>The</strong> licensing of the PP at LF: Full <strong>Interpretation</strong> (FI) requires that every<br />

XP must have an interpretation at LF (C-I interface) in order to be licensed (Chomsky<br />

2000, 2001). <strong>The</strong> question arises how the PP C is licensed? 32<br />

Recall first, that this PP is not an argument of the verb, rather the DP is. Thus,<br />

arguably, it is not licensed thematically. Second, the function of P C is not semantic,<br />

but rather formal, Case-related. Thus the PP seems to have a status of an Agr(eement)<br />

projection, which arguably is not present at LF (Chomsky 2001). To reconcile the<br />

noted discrepancy, I propose the following. Although P C is not a semantic function,<br />

this does not necessarily mean that the P-morphemes realizing P C have no semantic<br />

content (see the above discussion). After all, the variation within the group of P-<br />

morphemes (e.g. depend on vs. believe in vs. look at) cannot be based on anything but<br />

their semantic content (or its residue). This suffices to license the PP at LF.<br />

To summarize this section: A two-place verb with an underspecified internal<br />

cluster is not marked with [Acc]. <strong>The</strong>refore the verb itself cannot check the Case<br />

feature of its DP argument. <strong>The</strong> verb is associated with P C realized by a (semantically<br />

appropriate) small P. Such P has an uninterpretable set of φ-features which enter<br />

Agree with the φ-set of the DP, checking and deleting the Case feature of the DP.<br />

Thus, the occurrence of P in PP-verb constructions, though eventually Case-related, is<br />

thematically motivated. <strong>The</strong> semantic content of the prepositions realizing P C licenses<br />

its projection at LF.<br />

This concludes the analysis of PP-verb constructions. In what follows I will<br />

discuss the distinction between the underspecified theta-clusters and the<br />

corresponding fully specified ones, thereby establishing the Underspecification<br />

hypothesis (19). I will also specify which PP-verbs assign a [-m] role and which a [-c]<br />

role. As already mentioned, whether a certain verb has a [-m] cluster or a [-c] one has<br />

no direct bearing on the proposed analysis. Both are predicted to be PP-verbs.<br />

However, the distinction between [-m] PP-verbs and [-c] PP-verbs, apart from being<br />

interesting on its own, will turn out to be significant for an additional aspect of the<br />

diversity among members of the PP-verb group across languages.<br />

32 <strong>The</strong> same question is raised in Neeleman (1997), where P is viewed as a lexical category. Neeleman<br />

assumes that the PP, although a projection of a lexical category, is not licensed by theta-assignment or<br />

syntactic selection (selection for an XP). Consequently, he introduces idiomatic selection (selection for<br />

a particular P-morpheme), and argues that this kind of selection, in addition to the traditional syntactic<br />

selection, prevents violation of Full <strong>Interpretation</strong> (FI) by the PP in PP-verb constructions.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!