The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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(iii) Assignment of [Acc] depends on the theta-structure of a given verbal entry (i.e. θ 1
θ [-c, -/+m], as in (23c)) (Reinhart 2000).
(iv) The internal theta-role of the PP-verbs is underspecified ([-c]/[-m]), therefore
these verbs lack [Acc] (the hypothesis in (19) and (23c)).
(v) A PP-verb, not being marked [Acc], is incapable of deleting the Case feature of its
internal nominal argument (the consequence of (i)-(iv)).
Based on the above, we may draw the following conclusion: There has to be
some other head, which can check the Case feature of the nominal argument of a PPverb.
I propose that P is the head which checks the (structural) Case feature of the
internal DP argument of a PP-verb. Consequently, this argument is realized as a PP,
20, 21
rather than as a DP.
At this stage we can already understand why in the previous analyses (e.g.
Hestvik 1991, Neeleman 1997 discussed in 3.1) the phenomenon of PP-verbs is
accounted for as either a Case-related phenomenon or a theta-related one. The reason
is that both theta and Case are relevant. The theta-structure of a verbal entry
determines whether the verb has the ability to check the Case of a nominal (i.e. [Acc])
or not. The verbs under discussion systematically lack this ability, as their internal
clusters are underspecified. Therefore they cannot check the Case of their internal
nominal argument. Consequently, the occurrence of P is indeed Case-related, but it is
thematically motivated.
20 Given the claim that P checks the structural Case feature of the nominal, rather than assigns inherent
Case, one may wonder why this is not achieved with a single P-morpheme. I address the issue in 3.3.3.
21 In addition to the discussed group of PP-verbs, the following two groups of verbs are predicted by
the Theta System to be PP-verbs as well: (a) Two/three-place verbs which lack a cluster marked 1 (i.e.
an external theta-role) are not marked for [Acc] (e.g. piacere type of Experiencer verbs, see Belletti and
Rizzi 1988, Pesetsky 1995, Reinhart 2001, Landau 2002, among others):
(i) dan [-c+m] nehena me-ha-muzika [-m]
Dan enjoyed from-the-music
(b) Verbal entries derived by the lexical operation which reduces a [+c] theta-cluster, thus removing
[Acc] (Reinhart 2000):
(ii) a. ha-rofe [+c] hid’ig et dan [-c+m] (additional theta-role [-m] is not realized)
the-doctor worried Acc Dan
b. dan [-c+m] do’eg li-vri’uto [-m] ([+c] is reduced)
Dan worries to- [about]- his health