The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
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51<br />
In both (18a) and (18b) the internal argument ha-kadur (‘the ball’) is represented on<br />
the thematic tier. However, while in (18a) it is also represented on the Action tier as<br />
the affected argument, in (18b) it does not appear on this tier at all. Given the contrast<br />
between the action tiers of (18a) and (18b), it is plausible to translate ‘not fully<br />
specified theta-role’ in Jackendoff’s proposal as non-appearance on the Action tier.<br />
Note, however that non-occurrence on the Action tier does not distinguish<br />
between locative PPs (e.g. Dan sits in the garden), and those in PP-verb constructions<br />
(e.g. Dan believes in his garden). Further, given its lexical-semantics orientation,<br />
Jackendoff’s approach is not designed to account for the Case issue, which I believe is<br />
relevant for the phenomenon of PP-verbs. <strong>The</strong>refore, I will not pursue this approach<br />
further.<br />
3.2.1.2 Semantic entailments: Dowty (1991) proposes to define the subject and<br />
direct object theta-roles by Proto-Agent and Proto-Patient entailments. As noted by<br />
Dowty himself, the verbs under discussion (i.e. PP-verbs) clearly do not fall under his<br />
proposal since their object is not a direct one. Furthermore, the mapping to<br />
subject/direct object is not absolute, but rather relative. More precisely, an argument<br />
is mapped as a direct object/subject, not necessarily because it has all the Proto-<br />
Patient/Agent entailments. Rather, for a given argument to be mapped onto a certain<br />
position (subject/direct object), it is enough for this argument to have some<br />
entailments appropriate for this position, if the other argument has less entailments of<br />
this kind. Thus, even if Proto-Patient entailments are relevant to some extent to the<br />
notion ‘not fully specified theta-role’ introduced in (16), they cannot be used to define<br />
the internal argument of PP-verbs. Finally, similarly to Jackendoff (1990), the issue of<br />
Case is not likely to play a role in Dowty’s approach, since it is semantically<br />
orientated. Despite the fact that I will not adopt Dowty (1991) to account for the<br />
phenomenon of PP-verbs, I will be using some of his insights where relevant.<br />
3.2.1.3 <strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ta System: Inspired by the phonological feature system that<br />
underlies the composition of phonemes, Reinhart (1996, 2000, 2001, 2002) motivates<br />
a system of formal features that compose theta-roles and define theta-selection.<br />
Similarly to the phonological feature system, the value of a given feature can be<br />
specified or non-specified. I will present the theta-features in the following<br />
subsection. However, even before this, it can be seen that Reinhart’s proposal is very