The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

40
In this respect, let me note a potential exception. Consider the two semantically
related instances of P R such as because and since (in its causal meaning). As shown in
(29a) and repeated in (30a), because, as expected, can take either a DP complement or
a clausal one, arguably a CP (see note 34), whereas since can combine only with the
latter ((30b) vs. (30c)). The distinction cannot be attributed to the ability of because as
opposed to the inability of since to assign Case to its complement. The complement of
because is introduced by of (30a), indicating that because is not a Case-assigner. (It is
possible, though, that from some reason since is incompatible with of).
(30) a. Dan left because of the war/Dina was annoying.
b. *Dan left since (of) the war.
c. Dan left since Dina was annoying.
We may conclude that except some scattered cases, the category of the
complement of any type of P is predictable, and therefore it is not assumed to be part
of the lexical information carried by prepositions.
To summarize, in the approach to P developed in this chapter, P is a functional
category which performs three distinct functions: P R , P C and P pred . The detailed case
studies of numerous constructions presented in the following chapters will show that
this suffices to account for the variety of syntactic manifestations of P.