The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
33 single category, it is fully expected that some of its members instantiate more than one type: 24 (16) a. dan maca matbe’a ba-gina/al ha-kise P R Dan found [a] coin in+the-garden/on the-chair b. dan ma’amin ba-teoriya šelo P C Dan believes in+the-theory his c. dan somex al rina P C Dan relies on Rina (17) a. dan natan matana le-rina P C Dan gave present to-Rina b. dan maca dira le-rina P R Dan found apartment for Rina c. ha-sefer kal le-kri’a P pred the book easy to-reading “The book is easy to read.” Moreover, consider PP-extraposition in Dutch (sometimes referred to as PPover-V): PPs, regardless of their type (and unlike DPs), can occur both pre- and post verbally (cf. Van Riemsdijk 1998) (18). 25 If the subtypes of P were viewed as different categories, an explanation would be needed as to why exactly these categories can be extraposed. Obviously, if they are instantiations of the same category, it is at all not surprising that they behave on a par. (18) a. Ik had niet (op zoveel mensen) gerekend (op zoveel mensen) P C I had not (on so-many people) counted (on so-many people) b. Dan (onder de tafel) zat (onder de tafel) P R Dan (under the table) sat (under the table) 24 Note that the phenomenon is attested across languages and involves several P-morphemes. Thus it is not comparable to the instantiation of distinct functional heads (e.g. C and D) by an isolated morpheme (e.g. that), mentioned in 2.1.4. 25 For ease of presentation I do not give the relevant examples with DPs. These can be found in Van Riemsdijk (1998).
34 Dutch provides an additional argument which strongly supports the claim that the three functions I have argued for are performed by the same category (namely, P). In Dutch [-human] pronominal complements of Ps, regardless of the function of the corresponding prepositions, are systematically replaced with special pronouns preceding the P (19). These pronouns are usually called r-pronouns (following Van Riemsdijk 1978), as they have the r-sound in their phonological form (e.g. er/daar, ‘there’): (19) a. Ik had *op het/ er op gerekend P C I had on it /there on counted b. Hij gaat *voor het/er voor altijd golfen P R He goes before it/there before always play-golf c. Hij zat *achter het/daar achter P R He sat behind that/there behind The occurrence of r-pronouns with Ps lead Van Riemsdijk to the following statement: “…PPs, whatever their functional status, but no other categories are the conditioning factor for the occurrence of r-pronouns…Therefore no further evidence will be adduced here to establish the syntactic unity of the category PP.” (Van Riemsdijk 1978:25) In sum, there is strong evidence that the proposed types of P are indeed subtypes of a single syntactic category. To sharpen the view of P argued for here, I now turn to the instantiation of the subtypes by the P-morphemes. 2.2.2 Realization of the subtypes I have already mentioned (in 2.2.1) that some prepositions can realize more than one particular type of P (16), (17). Not surprisingly, this is not true for all prepositions. The question arises whether the realization of the functions of P by the prepositions shows any significant regularities. Consider (20) and (21) vs. (22): 26 26 These examples are not meant to exhaust all prepositions, but rather to represent the realization of the types of P.
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34<br />
Dutch provides an additional argument which strongly supports the claim that<br />
the three functions I have argued for are performed by the same category (namely, P).<br />
In Dutch [-human] pronominal complements of Ps, regardless of the function of the<br />
corresponding prepositions, are systematically replaced with special pronouns<br />
preceding the P (19). <strong>The</strong>se pronouns are usually called r-pronouns (following Van<br />
Riemsdijk 1978), as they have the r-sound in their phonological form (e.g. er/daar,<br />
‘there’):<br />
(19) a. Ik had *op het/ er op gerekend P C<br />
I had on it /there on counted<br />
b. Hij gaat *voor het/er voor altijd golfen P R<br />
He goes before it/there before always play-golf<br />
c. Hij zat *achter het/daar achter P R<br />
He sat behind that/there behind<br />
<strong>The</strong> occurrence of r-pronouns with Ps lead Van Riemsdijk to the following<br />
statement:<br />
“…PPs, whatever their functional status, but no other categories are the<br />
conditioning factor for the occurrence of r-pronouns…<strong>The</strong>refore no further evidence<br />
will be adduced here to establish the syntactic unity of the category PP.” (Van<br />
Riemsdijk 1978:25)<br />
In sum, there is strong evidence that the proposed types of P are indeed subtypes<br />
of a single syntactic category. To sharpen the view of P argued for here, I now turn to<br />
the instantiation of the subtypes by the P-morphemes.<br />
2.2.2 Realization of the subtypes<br />
I have already mentioned (in 2.2.1) that some prepositions can realize more than<br />
one particular type of P (16), (17). Not surprisingly, this is not true for all<br />
prepositions. <strong>The</strong> question arises whether the realization of the functions of P by the<br />
prepositions shows any significant regularities. Consider (20) and (21) vs. (22): 26<br />
26 <strong>The</strong>se examples are not meant to exhaust all prepositions, but rather to represent the realization of the<br />
types of P.