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The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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25<br />

d. ha-mayim kan zormim me’al Ø j ve-mitaxat Ø j<br />

the-water here runs above and-below<br />

It is worth noting that the observed optionality is very limited, arguably<br />

indicating that the null complement is syntactically realized as an empty category,<br />

which needs to be licensed (cf. Rizzi 1986). Russian locative prepositions, for<br />

instance, do not allow optional realization of their complement at all. Even in<br />

languages such as Hebrew or English, where optionality is attested, only a subset of<br />

the set of locative prepositions allows it (4), (5): 17<br />

(4) a. hem avru mitaxat (la-bayit)/taxat *(ha-bayit)<br />

they passed under to+the-house/under the-house<br />

b. hu hityašev me’al (ha-šulxan)/al *(ha-šulxan)<br />

he sat above the-table/on the-table<br />

(5) He parked the bicycle under *(the stairs)/below (the stairs)<br />

Following Zribi-Hertz (1984) and Gulligan (1988), I will assume that the null<br />

complement of these Ps is realized as a locative pro. This will suffice to conclude that<br />

the behavior of P regarding the discussed criterion is functional: regardless of its<br />

phonetic realization, the complement of P is syntactically realized. 18<br />

Movement: <strong>The</strong> fact that I view the behavior of P with respect to this criterion as<br />

functional, thereby assuming that the complement of P cannot be moved without it,<br />

may seem surprising, as P-stranding is a well-known phenomenon. However, despite<br />

its familiarity, it is a rare and arguably exceptional phenomenon, attested to various<br />

extents in a few Germanic languages such as English, Dutch and Danish (Van<br />

Riemsdijk 1978). In a wide variety of languages (e.g. Russian, Spanish, Hebrew,<br />

French, etc.) Ps cannot be stranded, on a par with the core functional heads. Thus, in<br />

17 It seems that in Hebrew only locative Ps prefixed with the directional P-morphemes me- (‘from’) or<br />

le- (‘to’) can realize their complement optionally (the relevant example with le- is le-yad (lit. ‘to-hand’<br />

meaning ‘near’).<br />

18 Emonds (1985) classifies particles, which are beyond the scope of this study, as the archetypical<br />

intransitive Ps. Even if true, this should not affect the classification of P as functional. Recall that<br />

pronouns, which are functional, are arguably intransitive too (see fn. 4). For a different view of<br />

particles see Den Dikken (1995).

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