- Page 1 and 2: Tel-Aviv University The Lester & Sa
- Page 3 and 4: Acknowledgements It has been a long
- Page 5 and 6: Abstract 1. Introduction (chapter 1
- Page 7 and 8: c. *Dan i talked about him i d. *Da
- Page 9 and 10: (9) The main hypothesis P is unifor
- Page 11 and 12: In the Theta System theta-roles are
- Page 13 and 14: The (semantically limited) distribu
- Page 15 and 16: of the main verb, along lines propo
- Page 17 and 18: 3.2.2 The theta-features (Reinhart
- Page 19 and 20: 5.4.2.1 The status and function of
- Page 21 and 22: 2 1.1 Previous approaches to P 1.1.
- Page 23 and 24: 4 (5) a. dan higi’a axarey ha-mes
- Page 25 and 26: 6 b. misaviv *(le)-ec Hebrew around
- Page 27 and 28: 8 These approaches do depart from t
- Page 29: 10 heads such as N, V, A do not. 10
- Page 33 and 34: 14 by the corresponding lexical hea
- Page 35 and 36: 16 In the Object Purpose Clause con
- Page 37 and 38: 18 2. The theory of P The main goal
- Page 39 and 40: 20 yes/no questions).This is comple
- Page 41 and 42: 22 (2) Criterion Functional categor
- Page 43 and 44: 24 In various languages some Ps are
- Page 45 and 46: 26 sharp contrast to the core lexic
- Page 47 and 48: 28 lexical, of course) (see the dis
- Page 49 and 50: 30 (iv) Froud 2001 is a psycholingu
- Page 51 and 52: 32 perspective, I will assume that
- Page 53 and 54: 34 Dutch provides an additional arg
- Page 55 and 56: 36 the study). Thus, taking the not
- Page 57 and 58: 38 On my proposal (section 2.2.1) m
- Page 59 and 60: 40 In this respect, let me note a p
- Page 61 and 62: 42 The phenomenon of PP-verbs, alth
- Page 63 and 64: 44 inability to agree with its DP-o
- Page 65 and 66: 46 The question which arises at thi
- Page 67 and 68: 48 (13) Internal argument-taking hi
- Page 69 and 70: 50 Grimshaw 1990; Baker 1988, 1997;
- Page 71 and 72: 52 suitable for the problem at hand
- Page 73 and 74: 54 3.2.3 The mapping generalization
- Page 75 and 76: 56 (iii) Assignment of [Acc] depend
- Page 77 and 78: 58 (25) a. on našol konfet-u v kar
- Page 79 and 80: 60 theory of P developed in chapter
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62 (37) a. What did he eat in the m
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64 Thus, whatever the exact restric
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(46). 28 Summarizing the above, P C
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68 As for the alleged arbitrariness
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70 3.4 The [-m]/[-c] distinction Th
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72 viewed as necessary conditions f
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74 (59) [-c] PP-verbs Physical cont
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76 interpreted only as undergoing a
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78 b. dan [he’if mabat] be-rina D
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80 a [+animate] DP. Consequently, h
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82 The meaning of (78a) is somethin
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84 (85) a. he’emanti be-bart [I]
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86 asserted ‘belief’. In other
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88 3.5 PP-verbs cross-linguisticall
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90 But the non-identical realizatio
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92 P device involves the syntactic
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94 Note that the options in (103) d
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96 adjacency requirement between th
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98 would be [-c] PP-verbs in Englis
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100 Appendix A: Residual issues The
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102 (A.6) a. mabat-o nadad (motion)
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104 Given its theta-grid, hikša is
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106 Appendix B Table 1. 70 Hebrew P
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108 Table 2. Some properties of the
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110 67. serev (le-) [+c+m] [-c] - +
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112 4. Locative, Directional and Da
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114 is distinct from both the Dativ
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116 Let me illustrate briefly the e
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118 inability of the Dative PP to d
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120 In principle, (16) can have eit
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122 from natan, but from the embedd
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124 Both (22a) and (22b) are possib
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126 (ii) Binding In the Hebrew Dati
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128 Let us assume that in (29a) the
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130 4.3 The Directional P Zwarts an
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132 (36) a. dan šalax praxim (le-r
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134 The incompatibility of Dative p
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136 (45) ha-tiyul le-hodu haya me
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138 rather an (elided) NP modified
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140 Consider now the English and Ru
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142 the Accusative Case in (56) is
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144 Modification by possessive dati
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146 use (63c), me- (‘from’) def
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148 combination with a path denotin
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150 4.4.1 Evidence for the Small Cl
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152 4.4.2 Projections of a Locative
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154 (81) a. on pologayets y a na Sa
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156 4.4.3 Modification by Locative
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158 c. *ha-sefer še-/ašer al ahav
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V. 48 The remaining alternatives, (
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162 b. ha-ec (še-) ba-ya’ar kara
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164 (99) a. ha-sefer (??/*hu) al ha
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166 Appendix: On some differences b
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168 (A.2) VP Agent V’ V VP Goal i
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170 Consequently, they are predicte
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172 5. P pred in object gap constru
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174 . Extending the proposal to Eng
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176 . Based on previous work, defin
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178 . specifier of an NP is the pos
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180 . possibility that in principle
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182 (19) a. the destruction of the
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184 . 5.2.5 Adverbial modification
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186 b. ha-yeled kal havana the-boy
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188 . Before I discuss the lexical
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190 . Passivization is taken to inv
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192 . already ΘSat ARB (see (37)).
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194 . The strongest empirical suppo
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196 . (i) Aspectual have: Jones (19
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198 . (iv) Adverbial placement: Fin
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200 . Experiencer, and (ii) there i
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202 . Consequently, the arguments o
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204 . phonetically unrealized inter
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206 . stranded. As already mentione
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208 5.5 The role of the le NP/PP in
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210 . be closed (or satisfied) synt
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212 b. *There is hard to believe [t
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214 . Following Higginbotham (1985)
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216 (85) a. ma’axal nora ze (lo)
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218 c. basar adom hu mazon (*ha-/*
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220 . Thus, it seems to be the case
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222 b. ha-oto i huva t i li-vdika [
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224 (105) a. dan [ VP [ V hevi] [ D
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226 . (111) dan [ VP hevi et ha-oto
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228 . In contrast, the adjectives i
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230 . The ECM/Raising SCs differ su
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232 . ‘found’) does not license
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234 Boškovič, Ž. 1994. “D-Stru
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236 Froud, K. 2001. “Prepositions
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238 Lasnik, H. 1999. Minimalist Ana
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240 Riemsdijk van, H. C. 1990. “F
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242 Williams, E. 1987. “Implicit