The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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241 Siloni, T. 1994. Noun Phrases and Nominalizations. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Geneva. Siloni, T. 1997. Noun Phrases and Nominalizations: The Syntax of DPs. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Siloni, T. 2002. "Adjectival Complexes & Inalienable Constructions", Themes and issues in the syntax of Arabic and Hebrew, J. Ouhalla & U. Shlonsky (eds.), Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Siloni, T. 2002. “Construct States at the PF-Interface”, The Year Book of Language Variations 1, P. Pica & J. Rooryck (eds.), 229-266. Siloni, T. 2002. “Active Lexicon”, Theoretical Linguistics 28.3, 383-400. Stowell, T. 1978. “What Was There Before There Was There?”, in Farkas et al. Stowell, T. 1981.Origins of Phrase Structure. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Stowell, T. 1982. “The Tense of Infinitives”, Linguistic Inquiry 13, 561-570. Stowell, T. 1983. “Subjects across Categories”, The Linguistic Review 2, 285-312. Stowell, T. 1989. “Subjects, Specifiers and X’-Theory”, Alternative Conceptions of Phrase Structure, M. Baltin and A. Kroch (eds.), University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 232-262. Stowell, T. 1991. “Determiners in NP and DP”, Views on Phrase Structure, D. Bouchard and K. Leffel (eds.), Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, 37-56. Szabolcsi, A. 1987. “Functional Categories in the Noun Phrase”, Approaches to Hungarian 2: Theories and Analyses, I. Kenesey (ed.), Jate, Szeged, 167-189. Szabolcsi, A. 1989. “Noun Phrases and Clauses: Is DP analogous to IP or CP?”, The Structure of Noun Phrases, J. Payne (ed.), Mouton, The Hague. Szabolcsi, A. 1992. “Subject Suppression or Lexical PRO? The Case of Derived Nominals in Hungarian”, Lingua, 86, 149-176. Szabolcsi, A. 1994. “The Noun Phrase”, Syntax and Semantics 27, F. Kiefer and E. Kiss (eds.),Academic Press, San Diego, 179-274. Tellier, C. 1991. Licensing Theory and French Parasitic Gaps. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht. Ten Have, E., R. Schippers, M. van Steenbergen, and I. Vlasveld, 2003. “Dutch [-c] Verbs and the Dative/Oblique Case”, ms., UiL-OTS, University of Utrecht. Terzi, A. 2001. “Locative Prepositions as DPs”, NELS 32. Vendler, Z. 1967. “Verbs and Times”, Linguistics and Philosophy, Cornell University Press, Itacha. Vincent, N. 1999. “The Evolution of C-structure: Prepositions and PPs from Indo- European to Romance”, Linguistics 37.6, 1111-1153. Ura, H. 1996. Multiple Feature Checking: A Theory of Grammatical Function Splitting. Ph.D. dissertation, MIT. Webelhuth, G. 1992. Principles and Parameters of Syntactic Saturation. Oxford University Press. Williams, E. 1980. “Predication”, Linguistic Inquiry, 11, 208-238. Williams, E. 1981. “Argument Structure and Morphology”, The Linguistic Review 1, 81-114. Williams, E. 1983. “Against Small Clauses”, Linguistic Inquiry 14, 277-295. Williams, E. 1984. “There Insertion”, Linguistic Inquiry 15, 131-153. Williams, E. 1985. “PRO and the Subject of NP”, Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3, 297-315.
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Tel-Aviv University The Lester & Sa
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Acknowledgements It has been a long
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Abstract 1. Introduction (chapter 1
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c. *Dan i talked about him i d. *Da
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(9) The main hypothesis P is unifor
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In the Theta System theta-roles are
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The (semantically limited) distribu
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of the main verb, along lines propo
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3.2.2 The theta-features (Reinhart
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5.4.2.1 The status and function of
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2 1.1 Previous approaches to P 1.1.
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4 (5) a. dan higi’a axarey ha-mes
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6 b. misaviv *(le)-ec Hebrew around
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8 These approaches do depart from t
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10 heads such as N, V, A do not. 10
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12 To summarize, as it stands, Grim
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14 by the corresponding lexical hea
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16 In the Object Purpose Clause con
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18 2. The theory of P The main goal
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20 yes/no questions).This is comple
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22 (2) Criterion Functional categor
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24 In various languages some Ps are
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26 sharp contrast to the core lexic
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28 lexical, of course) (see the dis
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30 (iv) Froud 2001 is a psycholingu
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32 perspective, I will assume that
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34 Dutch provides an additional arg
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36 the study). Thus, taking the not
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38 On my proposal (section 2.2.1) m
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40 In this respect, let me note a p
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42 The phenomenon of PP-verbs, alth
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44 inability to agree with its DP-o
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46 The question which arises at thi
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48 (13) Internal argument-taking hi
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50 Grimshaw 1990; Baker 1988, 1997;
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52 suitable for the problem at hand
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54 3.2.3 The mapping generalization
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56 (iii) Assignment of [Acc] depend
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58 (25) a. on našol konfet-u v kar
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60 theory of P developed in chapter
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62 (37) a. What did he eat in the m
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64 Thus, whatever the exact restric
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(46). 28 Summarizing the above, P C
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68 As for the alleged arbitrariness
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70 3.4 The [-m]/[-c] distinction Th
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72 viewed as necessary conditions f
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74 (59) [-c] PP-verbs Physical cont
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76 interpreted only as undergoing a
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78 b. dan [he’if mabat] be-rina D
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80 a [+animate] DP. Consequently, h
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82 The meaning of (78a) is somethin
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84 (85) a. he’emanti be-bart [I]
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86 asserted ‘belief’. In other
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88 3.5 PP-verbs cross-linguisticall
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90 But the non-identical realizatio
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92 P device involves the syntactic
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94 Note that the options in (103) d
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96 adjacency requirement between th
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98 would be [-c] PP-verbs in Englis
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100 Appendix A: Residual issues The
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102 (A.6) a. mabat-o nadad (motion)
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104 Given its theta-grid, hikša is
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106 Appendix B Table 1. 70 Hebrew P
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108 Table 2. Some properties of the
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110 67. serev (le-) [+c+m] [-c] - +
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112 4. Locative, Directional and Da
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114 is distinct from both the Dativ
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116 Let me illustrate briefly the e
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118 inability of the Dative PP to d
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120 In principle, (16) can have eit
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122 from natan, but from the embedd
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124 Both (22a) and (22b) are possib
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126 (ii) Binding In the Hebrew Dati
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128 Let us assume that in (29a) the
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130 4.3 The Directional P Zwarts an
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132 (36) a. dan šalax praxim (le-r
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134 The incompatibility of Dative p
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136 (45) ha-tiyul le-hodu haya me
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138 rather an (elided) NP modified
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140 Consider now the English and Ru
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142 the Accusative Case in (56) is
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144 Modification by possessive dati
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146 use (63c), me- (‘from’) def
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148 combination with a path denotin
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150 4.4.1 Evidence for the Small Cl
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152 4.4.2 Projections of a Locative
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154 (81) a. on pologayets y a na Sa
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156 4.4.3 Modification by Locative
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158 c. *ha-sefer še-/ašer al ahav
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V. 48 The remaining alternatives, (
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162 b. ha-ec (še-) ba-ya’ar kara
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164 (99) a. ha-sefer (??/*hu) al ha
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166 Appendix: On some differences b
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168 (A.2) VP Agent V’ V VP Goal i
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170 Consequently, they are predicte
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172 5. P pred in object gap constru
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174 . Extending the proposal to Eng
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176 . Based on previous work, defin
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178 . specifier of an NP is the pos
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180 . possibility that in principle
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182 (19) a. the destruction of the
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184 . 5.2.5 Adverbial modification
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186 b. ha-yeled kal havana the-boy
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188 . Before I discuss the lexical
Page 209 and 210: 190 . Passivization is taken to inv
Page 211 and 212: 192 . already ΘSat ARB (see (37)).
Page 213 and 214: 194 . The strongest empirical suppo
Page 215 and 216: 196 . (i) Aspectual have: Jones (19
Page 217 and 218: 198 . (iv) Adverbial placement: Fin
Page 219 and 220: 200 . Experiencer, and (ii) there i
Page 221 and 222: 202 . Consequently, the arguments o
Page 223 and 224: 204 . phonetically unrealized inter
Page 225 and 226: 206 . stranded. As already mentione
Page 227 and 228: 208 5.5 The role of the le NP/PP in
Page 229 and 230: 210 . be closed (or satisfied) synt
Page 231 and 232: 212 b. *There is hard to believe [t
Page 233 and 234: 214 . Following Higginbotham (1985)
Page 235 and 236: 216 (85) a. ma’axal nora ze (lo)
Page 237 and 238: 218 c. basar adom hu mazon (*ha-/*
Page 239 and 240: 220 . Thus, it seems to be the case
Page 241 and 242: 222 b. ha-oto i huva t i li-vdika [
Page 243 and 244: 224 (105) a. dan [ VP [ V hevi] [ D
Page 245 and 246: 226 . (111) dan [ VP hevi et ha-oto
Page 247 and 248: 228 . In contrast, the adjectives i
Page 249 and 250: 230 . The ECM/Raising SCs differ su
Page 251 and 252: 232 . ‘found’) does not license
Page 253 and 254: 234 Boškovič, Ž. 1994. “D-Stru
Page 255 and 256: 236 Froud, K. 2001. “Prepositions
Page 257 and 258: 238 Lasnik, H. 1999. Minimalist Ana
Page 259: 240 Riemsdijk van, H. C. 1990. “F
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The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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